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Why Are You a Democrat? 

ClT^LtLe 

76 

TERSELY ANSWERED 



Containing a Compend of the Leading Prin¬ 
ciples OF THE Democratic Party of the 
United States, as Taught by the Fath¬ 
ers OF THE Republic, and by Rep¬ 
resentative Democrats in the 
Administration of Public 
^' Affairs. 





DOUGLASS BROTHERS, Publishers. 


1880. 



Copyright by 

Douglass Brothers, 


1880 . 




INTRODUCTION. 


Why are you a Democrat ? 

This question was asked the writer, in the 
memorable presidential campaign of A. D. 
1844, while he was yet a mere boy, among 
the hills of Pennsylvania, by a venerable 
Henry Clay Whig, and being then unable to 
answer it, he felt ashamed of his ignorance, 
and determined that by investigation he would 
qualify himself to reply. Believing that there 
are others in the same situation, who would 
be glad to have the question answered by a 
brief statement of the leading principles of 
the American Democracy, he has prepared the 
following pages. 

It is not sufficient to say that because his 
father was a Democrat; that because his neigh¬ 
bors, whose opinions he respects, are Demo¬ 
crats. He should know for himself, why it is 

3 



4 


IN TROD UC TION. 


SO,—on what principles his political faith rests. 
It is but just to those who ask him; it is due 
his own manhood, and his self respect, as a 
sovereign voter, that he should have knowledge 
on that subject, in order to be able to render 
a clear, logical, and concise reason for his 
political actions. He may not have the same 
opportunities as others to gather from the 
records of the past, the reasons which have 
induced men to organize themselves into a 
great party, which for more than three-quarters 
of a century, whether in or out of power, has 
guided more or less the destinies of this great 
country, and it is because such may have a 
brief statement of the fundamental principles 
on which the faith of the party is founded, in 
a compact and convenient form, that this work 
has been prepared. 

When they shall have fully informed them¬ 
selves, they will find no reason to be ashamed 
of the cause they have espoused. Rather will 
they be proud of the fact, that they vote a 


IN TRODUC TION. 


ticket which represents principles, without the 
practice of which neither this government, 
nor the nations of the earth in other lands, 
would be what they are to-day. Rather 
should men be ashamed, when requested to 
render a reason, and not be able; if asked. Why 
are you a Democrat? be unable to make a 
reply. Everything which passes for democratic 
or republican principles, is not always such, 
in the popular acceptation of the term. 

Party names do not always mean what 
they express. Intelligent men should go 
beneath the surface, and ascertain from the 
principles professed, and the actions performed 
by parties, whether their policies are well 
founded, and will have the desired effect in 
bringing peace, happiness, and prosperity to 
the masses effected by them. So, also, parties 
may change, and names with them, 'but prin¬ 
ciples never; and in the varied questions which 
arise in every free government, there is ever a 
necessity for some new application of some 


6 


IN TROD UC TION. 


old, well-established principles, so that few 
need long be in doubt as to the course they 
ought to pursue. 

It is a part of the duty of every voter to 
inform himself thoroughly of the principles 
and methods of political parties, so that when 
he identifies himself with either, he may feel 
assured that he will be at ease in its ranks, 
and be able to concientiously maintain and 
support its principles and purposes. It is to 
aid the reader in this work, that he is invited 
to examine the principles of the National 
Democratic Party, in order to know for him¬ 
self, whether his mind can give assent to its 
policy, or not. The great aim and object of 
every voter should be, to so cast his ballot as to 
give the best possible assurance that the policy 
proposed by his party, will result in the great¬ 
est good to the greatest mass of the people, 
which must, from the very nature of the case, 
be those who have nothing more to do with 
the administration of public affairs, than to cast 


INTR OD UC TION. 


7 


an intelligent ballot. That ends their sovereign 
power, until a return of the next election. It 
is, therefore, of vast importance to him to 
know by what principles those for whom he 
casts his vote will be governed in their official 
acts. It is only by electing agents who gen¬ 
erally agree with him in views, that he can 
make his power to be felt in public affairs * 
it is, therefore, important for him to know, 
not only why he is a Democrat, but why the 
man for whom he votes is one. 

To enable the reader, whether voter or 
candidate, to more readily answer this question, 
these pages- are prepared, hoping they will 
answer the purposes intended, and meet with 
a cordial reception, not only from intelligent 
Democrats, who already can clearly render a 
reason for the faith which is in them, but from/ 
those, also, who are in search of information 
on the subject. 


WHY ARE YOU A DEMOCRAT? 


CHAPTER L 

THE PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 

Washington lived before the days of party 
politics. He exemplified his principles by his 
conduct, whether at the head of the army, or 
of the civil administration. Pie had studied 
well the principles of free governments in 
former ages, and was well grounded in the 
faith. In his farewell address to the American 
people, he left a legacy any party might well 
be proud of. Not because he was at the head 
of a so-called Democratic or Republican, or 
any party, but because the few fundamental 
principles upon which rested the perpetuity 
of the Union, which he announced, have al¬ 
ways been a part of the faith of the Democ¬ 
racy, does it become appropriate here to 
insert those principles. No person can be a 



THE PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 


9 


sound Democrat, who cannot give unqualified 
assent to them. In substance he announced 
the following principles: 

‘‘The unioji of the gove 7 'ninent is the mam 
-pillar in the ediface of our real mdependence. 
The support of our tranquility at home, our 
peace abroad; of our safety, and our prosperity, 
yea of the very liberty all so highly prize.” 

He warned his countrymen, that from diff¬ 
erent causes, and from different quarters, 
great pains would be taken, (as was the case 
three-quarters of a century after that,) and 
many artifices would be employed, to weaken 
in the minds of the people, the conviction of 
of this, great truth. He told them that this 
'luas a point in their political forti'ess against 
'ivhich the batteries of internal and external 
enemies voould most constantly., and most ac¬ 
tively., though covertly and insidiously., direct 
their assaults. 

He entreated them to cherish a cordial, 
habitual, and immovable attachment to the 
Union; accustoming them to think and speak 
of it as the palladium of their political safety 
and prosperity, watching for its preservation 
with jealous anxiety, discountenancing what- 


10 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


ever might even suggest a suspicion that it 
could in any event be abandoned; and indig- 
7iantly fro'wn upon the first datvning of every 
atte 7 npt to alienate any portio 7 i of our county- 
men froin the rest^ or to e^ifeeble the sacred 
ties which link together the various parts 
of oicr common country. 

Whether he called himself a Democrat or 
not makes no difference, this principle of cher¬ 
ishing an absolute devotion to the existence of 
the Union, under one form of government, is 
a sacred democratic prhiciple that must be 
subscribed to by every citizen of this great 
Republic who aspires to be called an Ameri¬ 
can Democrat. It is because democrats have 
ever entertained the same convictions, and 
(save by the men who called themselves 
Democrats, but had forgotten or disregarded 
the warning voice of Washington, and went 
into a rebellion against the government, there¬ 
by seeking to destroy the Union,) have ever 
been true to these principles, and above all 
other parties most profoundly impressed with 
the truth of this doctrine, that the writer has 
ever been a Democrat. 

Washington sought by most cogent argu- 


THE PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 11 


ments, to impress upon his countrymen, that 
all parts of the country, North, South, East, 
and West, had a common destiny, and a com¬ 
mon interest in the general welfare of every 
other section; and because each added strength 
and security to the other, and in this sense the 
Union was the main prop of our liberties, so 
that the love for one should endear to the peo¬ 
ple the preservation of the other, and thus be¬ 
come the primary object of patriotic desire. 

Democrats believe all this; and though the 
party itself became distracted, and many of its 
adherents were dragged into a rebellion, still, 
so soon as military force was overcome, and 
the conviction of the mind could be freely ex¬ 
ercised, even those again became as ardently 
attached to the Union as any other portion of 
our people; and, since the close of the war, 
have sought, by every means within their 
power, to bring together and bind more close¬ 
ly the whole people of this Union in the bonds 
of a fraternal brotherhood of states. 

Washington 'warned his coiintryme^i against 
sectionalism. He cautioned them that design¬ 
ing men, as they ever have, would endeavor 
to excite a belief that there was a real differ- 


12 


WHr ARE rou A DEM OCR A T? 


ence of local interests and views. He said 
one of the expedients of partyisms, would be, 
to acquire influence in one particular section, 
by misrepresenting the opinions and aims 
of another section* and that they could not 
shield themselves too much against the jeal¬ 
ousies and heart-burnings aroused by these 
misrepresentations, tending to alienate the 
sections from each other instead of binding 
them more closely together with fraternal 
regard and affection, bringing about the op¬ 
posite result. It is because we have seen 
the democratic party, endeavoring by every 
possible means in its power, to inculcate these 
same great truths, whil^e its opponents have 
conducted themselves towards one section pre¬ 
cisely in the way and manner suggested by 
Washington men would, that they are forced 
to be Democrats, when true to their convic¬ 
tions of right. 

He cautioned his countrymen against 
Jieapmg tip pichlic debts for posterity to 
pay^ thus migenerously throtving upon them 
burdens which we ourselves should pay. 
This whole business of bonded indebtedness 
is undemocratic, and ought not to be indulged 


THE PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 13 


in, if by any means it can be avoided. It is 
true that men calling themselves Democrats, 
have been lead astray by the plausible argu¬ 
ments of those w^ho regarded “public debts as 
public blessings,” still the Democratic party, as 
such, has ever denounced the practice, and 
because they have always coincided with him 
in this particular, they are Democrats. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign in¬ 
fluence, he conjured his fellow citizens, their 
jealousy ought to be constantly awake. 
Numerous opportunities would be offered he 
said, to tamper with domestic factions, to prac¬ 
tice the arts of seduction, to mislead public 
opinion, to influence public councils. 

No attachment therefore for one nation., 
to the exclusion of another should be tolerated. 

Such conduct would lead to concessions to 
one nation, and denials of privileges to others, 
and would invite a multitude of evils upon us. 

It is because this has been a fundamental 
principle of the Democratic party, who most 
heartily believe in the doctrine, hence they are 
Democrats. 

Washington also advised his countrymen 
to resist Toith care the spirit of innovation 


14 


WHY ARE YOU A DEMOCRAT? 


Upon the principles on 'which the government 
"was founded^ however specious the pretext 
mi^ht be. One method of assault would be 
he said, to effect, under the forms of the Con¬ 
stitution, alterations, which would impair the 
whole system. It is because the Democratic 
Party, impressed by the truth of these teach¬ 
ings of Washington, has opposed the numer¬ 
ous amendments constantly being proposed, 
that they are Democrats, believing that in this 
they adhere more strictly to the teachings of 
Washington, than any other party. 

Believing, therefore, that the principles of 
Washington are correct and true, worthy to 
be practiced, and in accord with the principles 
of free government, they are not ashamed to 
avow these reasons for being Democrats. 


CHAPTER IL 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JEFFERSON. 

Although in his time not called “ a Dem¬ 
ocrat,” yet the leader of what was then known 
as the Republican party, contending against 
the federal, or strong government party, 
Thomas Jefferson was perhaps one of the best 
expounders of those principles now held by 
the Democratic party, among all of those 
revolutionary sages. 

In his writings and official messages' as 
President, we find the most frequent allusions 
to, and rigid application of them in the admin¬ 
istration of public affairs, so that he has been 
called “the father of the Democratic party.” 
It was peculiarly appropriate that he should 
do so, because, though early in the history of 
our government, yet anfi-democratic principles 
were already slowly creeping into the admin¬ 
istration of public affairs, under the adminis¬ 
tration of the elder Adams, so that it required 
vigorous opposition, and determined appli- 

15 


16 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


cation, to bring the government back once 
more to be administered in accordance with 
those pure principles of a representative dem- 
cratic government. 

In his inaugural address, delivered to 
Congress on March 4th, 1801, the commence¬ 
ment, as well of a new century, as of a new 
era in our government. President Jefferson 
announced the following fundamental doctrines 
of democracy, which, he said, he deemed 
essential principles of our government, which 
should guide him in its administration. He 
compressed them within the smallest possible 
compass, stating only the general principles, 
but not all their limitations: 

First, Equal and exact justice to all men 
of whatever state or persuasion, religous or 
political. 

Second, Peace, commerce, and honest 
friendship with all nations; entangling alliance 
with none. 

Third, The support of the State govern¬ 
ments in all their rights, as the most competent 
administrators of our domestic concerns, and 
the surest bulwarks against anti-Republican 
tendencies. 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JEFFERSON. 17 

Fourth, The preservation of the general 
government in its whole constitutional vigor, 
as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and 
safety abroad. 

Fifth, A jealous care of the right of 
election by the people, a mild and safe cor¬ 
rective of abuses, which are lopped by the 
sword of revolution where peacable means are 
unprovided. 

Sixth, Absolute acquiescence in the de¬ 
cisions of the majority, the vital principles of 
republics, from which is no appeal but to forc^ 
the vital principle, and immediate parent of 
despotism. 

Seventh, A well-disciplined militia, our 
best reliance in peace, and for the first mo¬ 
ments of war, till regulars may relieve them. 

Eighth, The supremacy of the civil over 
the military authority. 

Ninth, Economy in the public expenses, 
that labor may be lightly burthened. 

Tenth, The honest payment of our debts, 
and the sacred preservation of the public faith. 

Eleventh, Encouragement of agriculture 
and of commerce as its handmaid. 

Tvjelfth. The diffusion of information, 
2 


18 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of 
public reason. 

Thirteenth, Freedom of religion. 

Fourteenth, Freedom of the press. 

Fifteenth, Freedom of the person, under 
the protection of the habeas co 7 fus. 

Sixteenth, Trial by juries, impartially 
selected. 

These principles, said Jefferson,^^form the 
bright constellation, which has gone before us, 
and guided our steps through the age of rev¬ 
olution and reformation. The wisdom of our 
sages, and the blood of our heroes, have been 
devoted to their attainment. They should be 
the creed of our political faith^ the text of 
civic instruction, the touchstone by which to 
try the services of those we trust; and should 
we wander from them in moments of error or 
alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and 
to regain the road which alone leads to peace, 
liberty, and safety.” 

It is because Democrats believe every one 
of those fundamental principles to be true, that 
they are Democrats. 


CHAPTER III. 


' THE PRINCIPLES OF MADISON. 

Democrats believe in a full, unequivocal, 
and hearty support of the Constitution, in a 
strict construction of it, and in the spirit and 
the purpose for which it was formed, and 
in Madison, also, who took such a deep inter¬ 
est in its formation, as to be called the father 
of the Constitution,” they have another expo¬ 
nent of sound Democratic principles. 

He knew well the principles on which that 
Constitution was founded. Pie had studied 
the rise, progress, decay, and fall, of every 
free government which had gone before, and 
profiting by the very misfortunes of other 
nations, he had secured, in the adoption of our 
Constitution, such principles as he fondly 
believed would prevent us as a people from 
falling into similar errors. Standing upon the 
threshold of his great office, as President of 
the United States, succeeding Jefferson, he 
announced the following as additional prin- 

19 


20 


wnr ARE YOU A DEMOCRATS 


ciples, vital to the welfare of the American 
people, in their intercourse with foreign 
nations. They were in part but the echoes, 
which came from the lips of Washington and 
Jefferson, and became the policy of the Dem¬ 
ocratic party ever since. He announced them 
as follows: 

First, To cherish peace and friendly in¬ 
tercourse with all nations having a con*es- 
pondent disposition. 

Second, To maintain sincere neutrality 
towards belligerent nations. 

Third. To prefer, in all cases, amicable 
discussions and reasonable accommodation of 
differences, to a decision of them by an appeal 
to arms. 

Fojirth. To exclude foreign intrigues, and 
foreign partialities, so degrading to all coun¬ 
tries, and so baneful to free ones. 

Fifth. To foster a spirit of independence, 
too just to invade the rights of others, too proud 
to surrender our own; too liberal to indulge 
unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too ele¬ 
vated not to look down upon them in others. 

Sixth. To hold the Union of the States 
as the basis of their peace and happiness. 


THE PRINCIPLES OF MADISON. 


21 


Seventh, To support the Constitution, 
which is the cement of the Union, as well in 
its limitations.^ as in its authorities. 

Eighth, To respect the rights and author¬ 
ities reserved to the States and the people, 
as equally incorporated with, and essential to, ^ 
the success of the general system. 

Ninth, To avoid the slightest inter¬ 
ferences with the rights of conscience or the 
functions of religion, so wisely exempted from 
civil jurisdiction. 

Tenth, To preserve in their full energy 
the salutary provision in behalf of private and 
personal rights, and the freedom of the press. 

Eleventh, To observe economy in public 
expenditures. 

Twelfth, To liberate public resources by 
an honorable discharge of the public debts. 

Thirteenth, To keep within the requisite 
limits a standing military force, always remem¬ 
bering that an armed and trained militia is the 
firmest bulwark of republics. 

Fourteenth, That without standing armies, 
their liberties can never be in danger, nor 
with large ones, safe. 

Fifteenth, To promote, by authorized 


22 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


means, improvements friendly to agriculture, 
to commerce, to manufactures, and to external 
as well as internal commerce. 

Sixteenth, To favor, in like manner, the 
advancement of science, and diffusion of in¬ 
formation, as the best aliment of true liberty. 

Seventeenth, To carry on benevolent plans 
for the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors 
from the degredation and wretchedness of 
savage life, to a participation of the improve¬ 
ments of which the human mind and manners 
are susceptible in a civilized state. 

In one of his messages he also laid down 
the principle that a well-instructed people 
alone can be permanently free. 


CHAPTER IV. 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JACKSON. 

In the principles of Andrew Jackson the dem¬ 
ocracy take great pride. From his inaugural 
address, on March 4th, A. D. 1829, to the close 
of his administration of eight years, in every 
message to Congress, he uttered democratic 
sentiments in a terse, vigorous style, which, on 
account of their self-evident truth, deeply rooted 
themselves in American hearts, and became the 
principles of the democratic party, which during 
his administration first took that name, and 
which it has held ever since. They are found 
scattered all through his messages, and were 
his guide in deciding all questions of national 
policy, so many of which pressed themselves 
upon him during his term of office. From 
these the following may be selected, and placed 
in order, which should be thoroughly studied 
and applied to all questions which may even 
now arise. 

First, He said: ^^Regai'd should be had 
for the rights of the several States^ taking 

23 


24 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


care not to confound the 'powers 7 'eserved to 
tlieni^ with those they had hi the constitution 
granted to the general government. 

Second, In every aspect of the case, ad¬ 
vantage must result from strict and faithful 
economy in the administration of public affairs. 

Third, He declared the unnecessary dura¬ 
tion of the public debt incompatible with real 
independence. 

Fourth, In the adjustment of a tariff for 
revenue,, he insisted that a spirit of equity, 
caution and compromise, requires the great 
interests of agriculture, manufactures and com¬ 
merce to be equally favored. 

Fifth, He admitted the policy of internal 
improvements to be wise only in so far as they 
could be promoted by constitutional acts of the 
general government. 

Sixth, He declared standing armies to be 
dangerous to free government; and that the 
military should be in strict subordination to the 
civil power. 

Seventh, He declared the National Militia 
to be the bulwark of our national defense. In 
enforcing this principle, he declared that so 
long as the government was administered for 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JACKSON. 


25 


the good of the people, and regulated by their 
will; so long as it secured to the people the 
rights of person and of property, liberty of 
conscience, and of the press, the government 
would be worth defending, and so long as it 
was worth defending, the patriotic militia 
would cover it with an impenetrable aegis. 

Eighth, He pledged himself to the work 
of reform in the administration, so that the 
patronage of the general government which 
had been brought into conflict with the free¬ 
dom of elections^ and had disturbed the right¬ 
ful course of appointments, by continuing 
in power unfaithful and incompetent public 
servants, should no longer be used for that 
purpose. 

Ninth, He declared his belief in the 
principle, that the integrity and zeal of public 
officers would advance the interests of the 
public service more than mere numbers. 

Te7ith, He declared the right people 

to elect a President; and that it was never 
designed that their choice should in any case 
be defeated by the intervention of agents, en¬ 
forcing this principle by saying what experience 
had amply proved, that in proportion as agents 


26 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


were multiplied to execute the will ot the 
people, there was the danger increased, that 
their wishes would be frustrated. Some may 
be unfaithful—all liable to err. So far, then, 
as the People were concerned it was better 
for them to express their own will. 

Elevefith, The majority should govern. 
No President elected by a minority could so 
successfully discharge his duties, as he who 
knew he was supported by the majority of 
the people. 

Twelfth, He advocated rotatio 7 i in office. 
Corruption, he said, would spring up among 
those in power, and therefore he thought ap¬ 
pointments should not be made for a longer 
period than four years. Every body had 
equal right to office, and he favored removals 
as a leading principle, which would give 
healthful action to the political system. 

Thirteenth, He advocated unfettered com¬ 
merce, free from restrictive tariff laws, leaving 
it to flow into those natural channels in which 
individual enterprise, always the surest and 
safest guide, might direct it. 

Fourteenth, He opposed specific tariffs, 
because subject to frequent changes, generally 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JACKSON. 


27 


produced by selfish motives, and under such 
influences, could never be just and equal. 

Fifteenth, The proper fostering of man¬ 
ufactures and commerce tended to increase 
the value of agricultural products. 

Sixteenth, In cases of real doubt, as to 
matters of mere public policy, he advocated 
a direct appeal to the people, the source of all 
power, as the most sacred of all obligations, 
and the wisest and most safe course to pursue. 

Seventeenth, He advocated a just and 
equitable bankrupt law, as beneficial to the 
country at large, because after the means to dis¬ 
charge debts had entirely been exhausted, not 
to discharge them, only served to dispirit the 
debtor, sink him into a state of apathy, make 
him a useless drone in society, or a vicious 
member of it, if not a feeling witness of the 
rigor and inhumanity of his country. Oppres¬ 
sive debt being the bane of enterprise, it should 
be the care of the republic not to exert a 
grinding power over misfortune and poverty. 

Eighteenth, He declared in favor of the 
principle, that no money should be expended, 
until first appropriated for the purpose by the 
Legislature. The people paid the taxes, and 


28 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


their direct representatives should alone have 
the light to say what they should be taxed 
for, in what sums, and how and when it 
should be paid. 

Ninetee^ith, lie utterly opposed the system 
of government aiding private corporations in 
making internal improvements. It was de¬ 
ceptive and conducive of improvidence in the 
expenditure of public moneys. For this pur¬ 
pose appropriations could be obtained with 
greater facilities, granted with inadequate se¬ 
curity, and frequently complicated the admin¬ 
istration of government. 

T'voentieth. The operations of the general 
government should be strictly confined to the 
few simple, but important objects for which 
it was originally designed. 

Tiventy-first. He favored the veto power 
in the executive, but only to be exercised in 
cases of attempted violation of the Constitu¬ 
tion, or in cases next to it in importance. 

Twenty-second, He advocated State rights, 
as far as consistent with the rightful action of 
the general government, as the very best 
means of preserving harmony between them; 
and pronounced this the true faith, and the 


THE PRINCIPLES OF JACKS ON. 


29 


one to which might be mainly attributed the 
success of the entire system, and to which 
alone we must look for stability in it. 

T'wenty-third. He advocated “a uniform 
and sound currency,” but doubted the con- 
stitutionalty and expediency of a National 
Bank; and afterwards made his administration 
famous by successfully opposing the renewal 
of its charter. 

Twenty-fourth. Precious metals as the 
only currency known to the Constitution. 
Their peculiar properties rendered them the 
standard of values in other countries, and had 
been adopted in this. The experience of the 
evils of paper money, had made it so obnox¬ 
ious in the past, that the framers of the Con¬ 
stitution had forbidden its adoption as the legal 
tender currency of the country. 

Variableness must ever be the characteris¬ 
tic of a currency not based upon those metals. 
Expansion and contraction, without regard to 
principles which regulate the value of those 
metals, as a standard in the general trade of 
the world were, he said, extremely pernicious. 

Where these properties are not infused into 
the circulation, and do not control it, prices 


30 


war ARE rou a democrat f 


must vary, according to the tide of the issue; 
the value and stability of property exposed, 
uncertainty attend the administration of insti¬ 
tutions, constantly liable to temptations of an 
interest distinct from that of the community at 
large, all this attended by loss to the laboring 
class, who have neither time nor opportunity 
to watch the ebb and flow of the money 
market. 

Twenty-fifth, He renews his advocacy of 
a cheerful compliance with the will of the 
majority; and the exercise of the ^ower as 
expressed in a spirit of moderation^ justice 
and brotherly kindness^ as the best means to 
cement^ and forever preserve the Union. 
Those, he closes, who advocate sentiments 
adverse to those expressed, however honest, 
are, in effect, the worst enemies of their 
country. 


CHAPTER V. 

THE PRINCIPLE OF STATE RIGHTS. 

The rights of the States under our Federal 
Constitution has long been a question discussed 
on which great differences of opinion have 
arisen, even within the Democratic party itself. 
The view held by Andrew Jackson is the one 
always prevailing in national conventions, the 
only body having power to settle the question 
for the whole party, viz: That the general 
government is one of expressly g'ran^ed pow¬ 
ers, in the exercise of which it is supreme. 
That these powers, faithfully and vigorously 
carried out, are necessary to the general wel¬ 
fare of the whole. That all powers not ex¬ 
pressly granted in the Constitution, to the 
federal government, in the language of that in¬ 
strument itself, are reserved to the States and 
to the people. 

The Republican party at the time of its 
organization planted itself upon this doctrine; 
and in their platform at Chicago, when Abra- 

31 


32 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


ham Lincoln was first nominated for Presi¬ 
dent, they passed the following resolution: 

‘^Fourth, That the maintenance inviolate 
of the rights of the States, and especially the 
right of each State, to order and control its 
own domestic institutions according to its 
own judgment exclusively, is essential to 
that balance of power on which the perfec¬ 
tion and endurance of our political fabric de¬ 
pends; and we denounce the lawless invasion 
by armed force of the soil of any State, or 
Territory, no matter under what pretext, as 
one of the gravest of crimes.” 

So thoroughly had this constitutional doc¬ 
trine engrafted itself upon the public mind, 
found utterance in both of the great political 
parties, and in their platforms, that it ought to 
have been acquiesced in by all. 

The national Democratic party still ad¬ 
heres to that idea. It is unalterably fixed in 
its creed; but it has not appeared in the Re¬ 
publican party platform from that time down 
to the present, while the democracy have re¬ 
affirmed the same upon every occasion. Ever 
since the days of Jackson’s administration has 
the question, in the Democratic party, of the 


STATE RIGHTS. 


33 


right of secession been settled, so far as the 
power of a national party convention could 
settle it. No matter what individual mem¬ 
bers of the party may have said; no matter 
what State and District conventions may have 
declared on the subject, the national conven¬ 
tion only, of a national party, can settle na¬ 
tional questions; and therefore “no matter 
how frothy orators may fret and fume, and 
tear passion into tatters” over a “secession 
Democracy,” the record proves that it never 
was the doctrine of the national Democratic 
party. 

The Republican party has frequently an¬ 
nounced, with a great flourish of trumpets, that 
our government was not a league, but a na¬ 
tion; but no true Jackson Democrat ever dis¬ 
puted that proposition as he understood its 
terms. Jackson, in his immortal proclama¬ 
tion, said: 

“The Constitution of the United States, then, 
forms a government, not a league; whether it 
be formed by compact between the States, or 
otherwise, or in any other manner, its char¬ 
acter is the same. It is a government in 
which the 'people are represented, which 
3 


34 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


Operates directly on the people individually, 
not upon the State; they retahi all the -power 
they did not grant. But each State having 
expressly parted with so many powers as to 
constitute jointly with the other States, a sin¬ 
gle nation,, cannot from that period possess 
any right to secede,, because such secession 
does not break a league, but destroys the 
unity of the nation; and any injury to that 
unity is not only a breach, which would result 
from the contravention of a compact, but it is 
an offence against the whole Union. To say 
that any State may at pleasure secede from 
the Union, is to say that the United States is 
not a nation; because it would be a solecism to 
contend that any part of a nation might dis¬ 
solve its connection with the other party, to 
their injury and ruin, without committing any 
offence. Secession, like any other revolutionary 
act, may be morally justified by the extremity 
of oppression; but to call it a constitutional 
right is confounding the meaning of terms; 
and can only be done through gross error, or 
to deceive those who are willing to assert a 
right, but would pause before they made a 
revolution, or incur the penalties consequent 


STATE RIGHTS, 


35 


on a failure.” Herein is set forth in the plain¬ 
est terms the principles adhered to by the 
great Democratic party of the country; and to 
charge the party with the errors, mistakes and 
crimes of those who disregarded the teachings 
of their party, is so grossly unjust, that it 
needs no further refutation. It is. because the 
democracy have through all the past, through 
years of sectional madness and party strife, 
adhered in conscious integrity to those views, 
that they have been denounced by enraged 
sectionalists North and South, until reason has 
been again enthroned, and the nation can see 
where they have stood all these years. 

They constitute the only party which has 
a record upon this question, dating from 
its first inception to the present moment. 
Democrats opposed the New England seces¬ 
sionists who held the Hartford convention in 
the interest of northern nullification and se¬ 
cession; they opposed the South Carolina 
nullifiers at a later date, and have as a great 
national organization, opposed the doctrine at 
all times, under all circumstances, and against 
all persons, no matter whether they claimed 
to be Democrats, or not. But it may be said 


36 


WHY ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


that when the rebellion was first organized, 
a Democratic administration did not do its 
duty to supress it. President Buchanan, elec¬ 
ted by southern votes, as well as northern, 
denied the right of secession. He was a rep¬ 
resentative Democrat, and he said in his mes¬ 
sage of December, i860: ‘‘This government 
is a great and powerful government, invested 
with all the attributes of sovereignty over the 
subjects to which its authority extends. Its 
framers never intended to plant in its bosom 
the seeds of its own destruction, nor were 
they guilty of the absurdity of providing for 
its own dissolution. It was not intended by 
its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision, 
which, at the touch of the enchanter, would 
vanish in thin air; but a substantial and mighty 
fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of 
time, and defying the storms of ages. * 

In short, let us look the danger fully in the 
face; secession is neither more nor less than 
revolution.” 

Thus, it will be seen, that at no time, even 
the most critical, have true national Democrats 
either in national conventions, or by their 
chief executives, ever countenanced this 



STATE RIGHTS. 


37 


heresy of secession. There is therefore no 
reason on this account, why a man should 
not be a Democrat, because, as such, he is 
compelled to subscribe to the soundest plank 
ever put forth by either party in its platforms, 
on the subject of the relation of the Federal to 
the State governments. We are Democrats 
because we believe in the doctrine held by 
the party on this most important question. 

Fanaticism never stops to reason. Driven 
by honest impulses, it rushes to its object 
without regard to obstacles. So it was with 
the secession movement, and so it was with 
the political abolitionists of the North. Driven 
on, they ceased not their agitation until the 
clash of arms came. Slavery went down, and 
now it becomes the duty of every patriot to 
repair the injury done by war, and place our 
institutions on even a more solid foundation 
than ever before. The disturbing cause is 
now removed, and it is time for sober reflec¬ 
tion and intelligent action, so that we may 
preserve intact the government our fathers 
transmitted to us, unimpaired, unchanged, and 
vigorous as it came from the hands of its 
founders. To do this, we consciously believe. 


38 


WHT ARE rOU A DEM OCR A T ? 


the great Democratic party of the Union now 
offers the best means by which this can be 
done. It reaches out into every section of 
this great country; it stands united once more 
upon these grand principles of fraternal union, 
upon the basis of the Constitution, the just 
rights of the Federal government undisputedly 
granted to it, while the reserved rights of the 
States are equally preserved to them. It is 
the only national party that can conciliate the 
angry sections, and make this country what 
the sages and heroes of the revolution de¬ 
signed it should be, a sisterhood of States, a 
land of freedom, a home for the oppressed of 
all lands. 


CHAPTER VI. 


THE RIGHT OF COERCION. 

It has been said by some who have but 
poorly studied the formation of our govern¬ 
ment, that because Democrats opposed co¬ 
ercion before the rebellion commenced, that 
therefore it was disloyal party,” and the 
word disloyal is pronounced as if it was a 
horrible thing to hold the opinion so ably set 
forth by the fathers of the Republic, and by 
all sound constitutional lawyers and states¬ 
men since then. Andrew Johnson, Senator 
from Tennessee, then applauded for his opin¬ 
ions, and the candidate of the Republican 
party for Vice President in 1864, elected by 
them, and afterwards President of the United 
States, held these views. He said in the 
Senate of the United States, on December 
18th, i860. ^^The Federal government has no 
power to coerce a State, because by the 
eleventh amendment of the Constitution of 
the United States, it is expressly provided, 
4 39 


40 


WHT ARE roU A DEMOCRAT? 


that you cannot even put one of those States 
before the courts of the country as a party. 
As a State, the Federal government has no 
power to coerce it; but it is a member of the 
compact, to which it agreed with the other 
States, and this government has the right to 
pass laws, and to enforce those laws on in¬ 
dividuals^ and it has the right and the power 
not to coerce a State, but to enforce and ex¬ 
execute the law upon individuals within the 
limits of a State.” This was the view held 
by Hon. John A. Logan, and by many who 
even now are members of the Republican 
party, and why should it be strange that 
Democrats announced those doctrines. They 
did not deny the duty and power of the 
the Federal government to enforce its laws at 
the point of the bayonet, if resisted. Presi¬ 
dent Buchanan, in his message to Congress, 
on January 8th, A. D. t86i, says: ‘^The 
dangerous and hostile attitude of the States to¬ 
ward each other, has already far transcended 
and cast in the shade the ordinary executive 
duties, already provided for by law, and has 
assumed such vast and alarming proportions, 
as to place the subject entirely beyond ex- 



THE RIGHT OF COERCION. 


41 


ecutive control. The fact cannot be dis¬ 
guised, that we are in the midst of a great 
revolution. In all its various bearings, there¬ 
fore, I commend the questio 7 i to Congress.^ as 
the only human tribunal, under Providence, 
possessing the power to meet the existing 
emergency. To them, exclusively, belongs 
the power to declare war, or to authorize the 
employment of the military force, in all cases 
contemplated by the Constitution.” 

Congress mighl; then have taken action. 
The Republican party had the power in both 
branches of Congress, by reason of the se¬ 
cession of Southern Senators, who left the 
Republicans in control of the Senate, and 
they had held the House of Representatives 
before that event occurred. No person ever 
doubted the right and duty of Congress to 
pass laws to enable the President to defend 
the Union against armed rebellion. At this 
time the question of coercion had already 
passed away. The Southern States had se¬ 
ceded, and taken forcible possession of public 
property, and had themselves become the as¬ 
sailants. To this Congress the President ap¬ 
pealed to decide the question; but though the 


42 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


Republicans were in power in both branches, 
Congress shrunk from its duty. It might 
have been commendable had it desired to 
prevent the effusion of fraternal blood, and 
restore the Union. Perhaps that might have 
been their object, still the duty of the hour 
confronted it, and they shrunk from it. Had 
it promptly passed the bill to enable the 
President to call forth the militia, or to accept 
the services of volunteers, as Lincoln did 
when Congress was not in session, it might 
complain; but it failed to do so, and is estopped 
from charging others with a want of vigor in 
this respect. Why, then, charge Democrats 
with dereliction of duty, when its own chosen 
party legislative power was then assembled 
and failed to do that with which they would 
now blame the Democracy. It was his duty 
to enforce the laws, theirs to pass them! 
Then how absurd to blame others for that 
which they were guilty of themselves. This, 
then, is a brief allusion to the subject of co¬ 
ercion, and the exercise of military power to 
suppress the rebellion, and there is nothing in 
it that any Democrat need blush to acknowl¬ 
edge. These charges are only made to di- 


THE RIGHT OF COERCION. 


43 


vert the mind of the voter from the real 
questions at issue between the parties, and 
can furnish no reason whatever, why a man 
should not be a Democrat, after twenty years 
have passed away, and almost a new genera¬ 
tion has come upon the stage of action. 

Rather should these sound views of the 
Constitution, and convictions of patriotic duty 
in those trying days of our national peril, in¬ 
duce men once more to rally under the flag 
of Democracy, aud place in power those who 
have been thus true to the great principles of 
free institutions, upon which our Government 
is founded. Men are Democrats because they 
believe this to be their duty. 


CHAPTER VIL 

THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY. 

Reconciliation must take place. That 
these principles will finally triumph, in the 
administration of our public affairs, we can 
have no doubt. The progress our country 
has made under their benign influence, not¬ 
withstanding their interruption by the events 
occurring during the greatest civil war known 
in history, foreshadows this. 

No other policy will preserve the Union, 
and the liberties of the people at the same 
time, and we believe both will be our herit¬ 
age. The limits to which this principle of 
co-equal sovereign States, bound together in 
one national government, under a Constitu¬ 
tion of grapted powers, can be extended, is 
scarcely conceivable. Each attending to its 
local concerns, and domestic affairs, free from 
interference by the central or supreme gov¬ 
ernment, brings the power to govern the peo¬ 
ple home to their own firesides. 

44 


THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY. 


45 


If dissatisfaction arises, it can be remedied 
by themselves without disturbing the peace of 
the whole. It is emphatically the principle of 
local self-government in the States. They are 
alone responsible for their bad laws. They reap 
the blessings of good ones, while the great 
mass of the people of the United States, now 
numbering over fifty millions, can go on with 
their enterprises developing the country, and 
building up the great West, founding States, 
each possessing this same right to pass such 
laws as to them may seem best. As the 
country becomes enlarged, and population in¬ 
creases, the application of these principles be¬ 
comes the more necessary. Then why not 
adopt them as the rule of our political action. 
Why demand a stronger government, as the 
Republicans do, when this is absolutely the 
stronger of the two. Centralization must mean 
despotism. A government, to reach out to the 
verge of a mighty empire, must of necessity be 
centralized, powerful, and not depend upon the 
masses, but the military, for enforcing its re¬ 
quirements, or else its duties must be few and 
simple, and only concern national affairs, easily 
enforced, and felt as little as possible by the 


46 


war ARE rou A democrat? 


citizens of the country. This the Democracy 
want. Any other form will be a failure. 
Our present form of government is, therefore, 
the best ever devised by man, especially is it 
so, for the circumstances under which we find 
this country placed. A climate ranging from 
the rigorous winters of the extreme North, to 
almost the tropics of the South, has a variety 
of productions of the soil, and diversified in¬ 
terests to consider. No legislation could, un¬ 
der these manifold conditions, be generally 
acceptable. We must have legislation by 
smaller districts. The whole people could 
not be sufficiently represented in one great 
national assembly. Therefore, of necssity, the 
great mass of our laws, in order to be satis¬ 
factory, must be remitted to the people in the 
States. When Congress has regulated com¬ 
merce with other nations, established a uni¬ 
form rule of naturalization and bankruptcy, 
coined money and regulated the value thereof, 
declared war, in case of necessityj established 
post offices, and post roads, and exercised a 
few other powers, it has not only enough to 
do to occupy all its time, but has exhausted 
all its powers granted under the Constitution. 


THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACT. 


47 


If these powers be wisely exercised, in such a 
manner as to bear with equal weight upon all, 
in no spirit of sectional superiority, there is no 
limit to the power of expansion under our sys¬ 
tem. Whatever makes men love their govern¬ 
ment, makes it strong"; especially is this true in 
a free government like ours. If this system be 
adhered to, and the North and the South, and 
the East and the West be made to love, respect 
and obey it, because of the blessings it brings 
to them, what may not the next hundred 
years in America witness? With a soil 
naturally productive in all sections of the 
country, mineral wealth stored away beneath 
it in abundance; lakes, rivers, and railroads 
affording abundant facilities to intercharge 
products and manufactures with each other; 
the wants of one section, supplied by another, 
creating activity in trade, incentives to enter¬ 
prise, stimulants to progress, where are to be 
found brighter prospects to a nation, if we 
are true to the principles on which our gov¬ 
ernment is founded, than here in this heaven 
favored land. But in order to continue our 
national prosperity, and enjoy the full fruition 
of our hopes, we must bury our sectional 


48 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


prejudices, and enforce the benign principles 
so patriotically announced by Washington, 
when he took public leave of his countrymen. 
This reconciliation cannot be brought about by 
force. It is alike impossible that the bitter 
passions of the war period can long be con¬ 
tinued, or that force and oppression, or de¬ 
nunciation should bring about reconcilia¬ 
tion. A beneficent providence has so con¬ 
stituted our natures, that a violent degree of 
passion exercised in one direction, is sooner or 
latter followed by a re-action in the opposite 
direction. If this were not so, and as Everett 
said, upon the brow of cemetery hill, at 
Gettysburg, where but a few months before 
had been turned back the rebel armies, and 
their sucess became impossible,were hatred 
always returned b^ equal and still stronger 
feelings of hatred; if injuries inflicted always 
lead to still greater injuries, by way of retal¬ 
iation; and thus forever a compound of ac¬ 
cumulated hatred, revenge, and retaliation 
were the result; then for thousands of years 
would this world have been inhabited with 
demons only, and this earth have been a per¬ 
fect hell. But this is not so; all history tells 


THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACT. 


49 


US, it is not true.” The North and the South 
will and must be reconciled. The Democ¬ 
racy must do it. All must feel that they 
have a common interest, and a heritage un¬ 
der a common government; and the strength 
of the government will be beyond calculation; 
but upon the other hand, you station the military 
force of the union in their towns and cities, 
place national supervisors of elections at their 
polls, send down your federal deputy marshals 
to arrest and imprison their people, distrusting / 
their ability and patriotism to guard their 
elections against fraud and violence, and the 
generation is yet unborn that will see a per¬ 
fect union of those States. The great prob¬ 
lem, how to break down sectionalism, North 
and South, and so order affairs that parties 
shall not be divided by geographical lines, is 
still unsettled. What party is so well quali¬ 
fied to do this as the national Democratic 
party; who better calculated to do it than 
that organization under the guidance of its 
chosen leader, the hero of Gettysburg! 

When Everett delivered his last great 
speech, at Gettysburg, in A, D. 1863, he did 
not know that he was predicting a parallel to 
4 


50 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


the history recited, in portraying the close of 
other rebellions. He brought to mind the 
fact, that the War of the Roses, in England, 
had lasted thirty years, from 1455 to 1485. 
It was one of the fiercest civil wars known in 
history; eighty princes of the royal blood had 
lost their lives; and the families of the nobil¬ 
ity almost annihilated. The strong feelings 
of affection which kindred families then bore 
for one another, and the vindictive spirit 
which that age of the world made it a point 
of honor to maintain, rendered the great fam¬ 
ilies of England implacable enemies. But at 
last the titles of the two contending fam- 
lies were centered in one person. Henry 
VII went up from Bosworth field to mount 
the throne. He was received everywhere 
with joyous exclamations, and regarded as 
one sent by Heaven to put an end to that 
terrible strife, and give peace and prosperity 
to a distracted country. 

Take the instance of another rebellion in 
England, lasting from 1620 to 1640, twenty 
years, ending suddenly with the return of 
Charles II. These again were twenty years 
of discord, of conflict, civil war, confiscation. 


THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACT. 


51 


plunder, havoc, and destruction. A proud, 
hereditary peerage trampled in the dust; a 
national church overturned; its clergy beg¬ 
gared; its most eminent Prelate put to death; 
a military despotism established upon the ruins 
of a monarchy that had lasted seven hundred 
years, and its legitimate sovereign brought to 
the block. All this and more done to embit¬ 
ter and estrange a people, and madden and 
enrage contending factions, and yet these peo¬ 
ple were reconciled! Not by a gentle transi¬ 
tion, but suddenly, when the restoration had ap¬ 
peared most hopeless. The son of the be¬ 
headed monarch was brought back to his 
father’s house, and to his bloodstained throne, 
amid such universal and inexpressible joy as 
led the merry monarch to exclaim, he doubt¬ 
ed it was his own fault he had been so long 
absent, for there seemed to be no one who 
did not protest that he long since wished for 
his return. 

God has oflimes in a wonderful man¬ 
ner ended rebellions. It was hoped at one 
time that ours—by Sherman’s agreement— 
would have ended as suddenly and as joy¬ 
ously; but those in authority did not so will it. 


52 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT ? 


Take one more later instance, that of the 
French Revolution. It \vas a reign of terror 
understood by all. A blacker page of crime 
cannot be found in all history. Another 
church broken up; its clergy murdered; men 
slaughtered by boat-loads and beheaded by 
machinery! A monarchy destroyed; a royal 
family extinguished, and their adherents ex¬ 
iled or beheaded. If the most deadly feud 
had the power permanently to alienate one 
portion of a people from another, surely here 
we have an example; but far otherwise was 
the fact. Napoleon brought order out of 
chaos; the Jacobins of France welcomed 
home the returning emigrants, and royalists, 
whose estates they had confiscated and whose 
kindred they had brought to the guillotine. 

After another turn of the wheel of for¬ 
tune, Louis XVIII was restored to his throne, 
and he took the regicide Fouche to his cabi¬ 
net and to his confidence, though he had 
voted for the decree ordering his brother’s 
death. So, too, should the dissensions in this 
country cease. It would have already been 
so had not base, designing men, for their own 
selfish purposes, prevented it. But they can 


THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACT. 


53 


not do it much longer. This Union must be 
restored. The great public heart yearns for 
it. The South in convention assembled with 
the North, as a pledge of peace and loyalty 
and goodwill to the northern soldiers, as they 
did to the civilians, with Horace Greeley, eight 
years ago, stands forth and says: Take the 
hero of your greatest "'battles; take him who 
turned back our hosts at Gett3'sburg; who, 
after the repeated assaults of Longstreet with 
the flower of the Southern army, scatterred 
them as chaff before the wind, and made it 
impossible to achieve our independence; take 
him whom our bullets have wounded; take 
him who, from the very nature of the case, 
suffered most in his own person by our acts; 
take him who has sympathy for his comrades 
in arms; but take him, also, because, when the 
war was over, he gave us back our own local 
government; take him who was a patriot in 
war, as well as a civilian, though a soldier, 
in peace, and we will obey the laws; we will 
be loyal to our common government. Take 
him and let us have peace with you. Should 
we reject this proposition? Should not the 
whole country welcome back those once in 


54 


WHY ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


rebellion, into the folds of a common na¬ 
tionality, and forever silence the distrust of 
sections? 

Let us cast away this revengeful disposi¬ 
tion; let the better principles of our nature do 
their work, and soon we shall see a nation of 
freemen rejoicing over the restoration of their 
Union, and the reconciliation of their difficul¬ 
ties, as none have ever rejoiced before. It is 
the knowledge of these things, their import¬ 
ance to the country, the necessity that it 
should be speedily accomplished, that impels 
Democrats to the task. They are Democrats 
because they earnestly desire to see this great 
result accomplished. They know why they 
are Democrats. 


CHAPTER VlII. 

GENERAL REMARKS. 

The foregoing are some of the most 
prominent principles enunciated by those who 
aided in framing and first administering the 
affairs of our government; and whose prin¬ 
ciples have almost, if not altogether, as a 
whole, been adopted by the Democratic party 
of the country. 

Who will dare to say they are not emi¬ 
nently wise, valuable and good? 

What change has taken place since that 
date, in mankind, or the country we inhabit, 
that do not make them just as applicable now, 
in the administration of public affairs, as on 
the day they were uttered? 

It may be said that the Democratic party 
has not always adhered to them! That may 
be so, but that is no valid objection against the 
principles themselves. They are as valuable 
to-day as ever they were, if indeed not more 
so; and it is to call attention to them that 


56 


WHY ARB rOU A DEMOCRATf 


these pages are written, with the hope that 
they may fall into the possession of those 
who will never cease to urge them upon the 
attention of the public. 

But it is not conceded that the party de¬ 
parted from the practice of those cardinal 
principles of Democracy. Exceptional cases 
do not destroy general rules* 

As an army is not to be judged of its pur¬ 
poses by the deeds of a few foragers with¬ 
out authority; of a few camp followers, for 
place or power; or by deserters, who betray 
the confidence reposed in them. So no polit¬ 
ical party can be fairly judged by what a 
fev) of its adherents may do or say. Or 
it may be that even professed leaders, like 
Benedict Arnold, may prove traitors to the 
cause they once espoused; still the great 
heart and mind and purpose of an army, the 
spirit of it, so to speak, is the criterion by 
which it is to be judged, and not by the faults 
of its unfaithful friends. 

So with the Democratic party. It may 
have been lead into entertaining false views 
sometimes; doubtless it has been betrayed by 
trusted friends, as well as denounced and 


GENERAL REMARKS, 


67 


misrepresented by open and avowed enemies; 
still whatever may be said of it, these princi- 
ciples announced are the principles of the 
American Democracy, by the application of 
which they have sought to administer the 
affairs of government. 

Whoever denounces them, has no claim 
to be called a Democrat. Whoever will not 
support and defend them, is unworthy the 
name. They are the principles, nevertheless, 
of that great party, which has for so many 
years in the past, and if this is to remain a 
free country, must in the future, be again 
called to the administration of its affairs; at 
least these principles must be applied in the 
administration of public affairs by whatsoever 
name the party may be called, if the admin¬ 
istration is to be a successful one. The 
foundation of the government is laid upon 
these; all its machinery is adjusted with 
reference to them, and the moment they are 
misapplied, or omitted, confusion and irregu¬ 
larity will be the result. Thence it is that 
the party that best understands them, is most 
devotedly attached to them, gives the best 
assurance of good government under them. 


58 


war ARE rou A democrat f 


and hence the reasons for the endurance of 
the Democratic party. 

The Democratic party has a distinct policy 
to announce upon every great question, if it 
pays any regard to its landmarks. It has the 
people upon its side, if it remain true to its 
principles as it ought. It has the hope and 
promise of final reward, by the complete es¬ 
tablishment of its principles, jf it discharges its 
duty, which it naturally owes, to the people. 

These pages are not designed as a history 
of the party. To enter into a critical exam¬ 
ination of all its acts, and those of its agents, 
for sixty years before it was displaced from 
power in the general government, would fill 
volumes, instead of a few pages; still it would 
prove the assertions here made to be true. 
The party has ever looked upon the Union 
of these States as the first great requisite of 
peace and prosperity. The fact that whole 
States rebelled against the authority of the 
general government is no proof that the prin¬ 
ciples of that government itself were defective. 
So, too, the fact that Democrats in the seceding 
States, together with the old line Whigs who 
still remained, disregarded the teachings of 


GENERAL REMARKS. 


59 


Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson, 
especially the latter, who taught them directly 
to the contrary in the most solemn manner, 
and violated those principles held sacred by 
the Democratic party, is just as little proof 
that the principles of that p^rty were unsound 
as was the government itself unstable. 

Therefore the charge that the Democracy 
taught rebellion is utterly false and unfounded 
—precisely the contrary is its teaching. Ab¬ 
solute acquiescence in the will of the majority, 
constitutionally expressed, is their doctrine on 
the point, hence no cause for rebellion existed. 
It is folly to charge this great mistake as one 
made by the teachings of a great party. It 
was in defiance of its teachings, and not in 
accordance with it, that the deed was done. 

When the war was over there was, and 
still is, greater reason for the application of 
those sound principles of the national Democ¬ 
racy to the the administration of public affairs. 
True to its principles, its mission will never be 
ended, while the present form of our govern¬ 
ment endures. 

As the number of States and inhabitants 
increase, and the borders of the country 


60 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRATf 


become enlarged, there is greater need than 
ever before for the application of them, in 
order to give peace and security to the whole 
country. 

This, then, is the faith and mission of the 
great Democratic party of the country. These 
are some of its principles, which it were well 
if every member of the party, indeed, of all 
parties, would ponder well, and apply in di¬ 
recting the votes which they have to cast. 


CHAPTER IX. 


WHY THEY ARE DEMOCRATS. 

They are Democrats because they believe 
that the Union of these States is absolutely 
necessary to preserve free government in 
America. To preserve tranquility at home, 
to insure prosperity, to maintain liberty itself, 
the Union under our Constitution ‘‘must be 
'preserved^ Because they believe this, they 
must ever bear it in mind, and never be found 
advocating doctrines in any part of the Union 
calculated to weaken the ties which bind 
every other section to it. They must never 
listen to the promptings of self-interest; such 
would lead them into a course of policy that 
would injure the inhabitants of other sections 
so as to cause them to lose their affection for 
the welfare of the whole country. They must 
regard this as the citadel of their hopes, in¬ 
trenched within which all assaults from with¬ 
out can be easily withstood; nor must they 
tolerate within their own ranks any doctrines 

61 


62 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRATf 


which would permit professed friends to over¬ 
come their vigilance. 

It is because they are Democrats they be¬ 
lieve that to cherish this feeling within their 
organization will influence the opinions of 
those without, and will cause them to share 
this anxiety, yet within its ample folds will 
always be found the largest numbers of their 
fellow-citizens, holding truly national princi¬ 
ples, equally strong and popular in all sections 
of the land. They are Democrats because, 
like Washington, they frown upon all at¬ 
tempts from whatever source—by whatever 
means—to alienate any portion of their coun¬ 
trymen from the remainder, “thus enfeebling 
the sacred ties ” which bind together the 
various parts. 

A man is a Democrat, because he believes 
that all parts of this country, North, South, 
East, and West, have one common destiny, 
and the interests of every section are as sa¬ 
cred to him as his own. 

A man is a Democrat, because he is the 
inveterate and uncompromising enemy of sec¬ 
tionalism. It is his duty to condemn it 
wherever he finds it. He gives no counten- 


WHT THET ARE DEMOCRATS. 


63 


ance to designing men, or parties who would 
seek to array any one section against another; 
or who, in order to gain a personal or party 
advantage, would seek to ride into power by 
fomenting jealousies and distrust; or to in¬ 
dulge in misrepresentations calculated to 
alienate and distract, rather than unite and 
cement, them in their loyalty to the whole. 

They are Democrats because, like Wash¬ 
ington, they do not believe in foisting upon 
the people heavy public debts for posterity to 
pay. In just so far as they favor the opposite 
course, to just that extent they wander from 
those fundamental truths taught by the Dem¬ 
ocratic fathers of the republic. 

They are Democrats, because their jeal¬ 
ousy is ever awake against the machinations 
of foreign powers, which are inimical to the 
prosperity of free institutions. They de¬ 
nounce the practices of royalty whenever 
sought to be initiated in this country. They 
oppose familiarizing freeman to the methods 
of monarchists, or anything which would lead 
them to think lightly of Democratic institutions. 

They are Democrats because, like Wash¬ 
ington, they are opposed to innovations upon 


64 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


the principles of our government, how^ever 
plausible they may appear. It is because of 
this, they have ever opposed amendments to 
the Constitution, granting new and additional 
powers to the general government, which has 
served this country so well through the whole 
past century. It is their jealousy in this re¬ 
gard, and their fears, as Washington expressed 
them, that when once a breach is made evils 
will come in like a flood, that compels them to 
resist. It is because they refuse to be exper¬ 
imenters upon this system, that they are called 
obstructionists, and taunted with a lack of 
progress, whereas, it is but their anxiety for 
the perpetuity of our institutions, and their 
regard for the Constitution—their loyality to 
the faith of the fathers—which induce them to 
withhold their consent from the proposition 
of every theorist who would mar its beauty, 
harmony and perpetuity, by engrafting upon it 
some new amendment. They are Democrats 
because followers of that great apostle of 
freedom, Thomas Jefferson. Like him they 
look with alarm upon any encroachments upon 
the rights of man, or of States. 

They are opposed to all appliances of mon- 


Wlir THEY ARE DEMOCRATS. 


65 


archists, like alien and sedition laws. They 
believe that man, no matter where born, what 
his religion or what his station in life, he has 
equal rights as to religion or politics, person 
or property. 

It is because they believe that the sup¬ 
port and maintainance of the State govern¬ 
ments, in all their reserved rights, is the best 
guardian of these rights, that they resist any 
encroachments upon those rights, and refuse 
to have any of them exercised by the general 
government not absolutely in accordance with 
the powers already expressly granted to the 
general government. These rights, they be¬ 
lieve, are as Jefferson expressed it, the surest 
bulwark against anti-Republican tendancics. 

While they are thus determined to main¬ 
tain these rights of States, and to hand them 
down unimpaired to future generations, they 
believe most emphatically in preserving the 
general government in all its granted powers 
—and to administer its affairs with all the 
vigor necessary, as the surest method of in¬ 
suring peace among the States; and securing 
respect from abroad. 

They are Democrats, because they believe 


66 


WHY ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT ? 


to the fullest extent in the right of election 
by the people. They believe that freeman 
are capable of governing themselves, and have 
the honesty, patroitism and ability to guard 
the polls of freemen themselves, without the 
aid of federal bayonets, of federal ap¬ 
pointees, either to overawe the electors, or 
influencing their ballots. They believe that 
the people need no guardians at the polls, 
least of all such as have arms in their hands, 
supported by the agents of federal power. 

Because they so believe, they are falsely 
charged with desiring to perpetrate frauds at 
elections, and falsely accused, because of their 
fealty to the very foundation principles of 
free government, as enunciated by freemen in 
all ages. 

They are Democrats because they believe 
in appealing to the intelligence, virtue, and 
discriminating justice of the people; and de¬ 
mand that when votes are cast, they shall be 
counted; and that when thus ascertained, the 
decision should stand, as the judgement of 
the whole, until another appeal can be law¬ 
fully made to the popular judgment. 

They are Democrats because inveteratelv 


WHT THEY ARE DEMOCRATS. 


67 


opposed to large standing armies, to be used 
to overawe the people, and rob them of their 
liberties, at the beck and nod of executive 
power. They believe that in a republic, the 
intelligent, patriotic militia is all that is needed 
to enforce the lawful commands of executive 
power. 

They are Democrats, because they be¬ 
lieve in the supremecy of the civil over the 
military power of the State; and are jealous 
of any attempt at military coercion, until all 
efforts to enforce lawful demands by the civil 
authorities have failed. 

Democrats believe in economy of the public 
expenditures, not only as Jefferson says, ^^that 
labor may be lightly burthened,” but because 
large expenditures breed corruption in the 
public service and induces unseemly scram¬ 
bling for public service. 

The man who would repudiate a public 
debt may call himself a Democrat, but is not 
in accord with the teachings of his party. 

The public faith and honor is a high trust, 
which cannot be violated without producing 
demoralization in private life. Their efforts to 
prevent the public treasury from being robbed 


68 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


by legalized plunderers, is no indication that 
they are repudiationists of honest debts. 

Men are Democrats because they believe 
in encouraging commerce and agriculture as 
the surest method of elevating those engaged 
in these pursuits so largely composing the 
yeomanry of the country. 

Notwithstanding the falsehoods of their op¬ 
ponents, charging Democrats with being, not 
only ignorant themselves, but a desire to keep 
others so, they are, like Jefferson, in favor of 
a general diffusion of information—of public 
and private education,” because their confi¬ 
dence in the people is based upon a correct 
judgment formed by the people upon all pub¬ 
lic questions. The slanders of opponents of 
the Democratic party in this regard, is incom¬ 
prehensible, when every public act of theirs, 
and the expressions of their leading minds, 
have always been precisely* to the contrary. 

The intelligent ballpt, cast by intelligent 
men, is what Democracy relies upon to sup¬ 
port its measures. What it fears most, is the 
persuasive eloquence of purchasing power,with- 
out integrity and intelligence to direct itself. 

It is no disgrace to say, that the common 


WHT THEY ARE DEMOCRATS. 


69 


laboring classes of the country are more in¬ 
clined to support the Democracy, than are the 
rich, intelligent, and aristocratic classes. This 
may be true, and yet not prove that men w^ho 
belong to this class are not sufficiently intelli¬ 
gent to know what is best for their own in¬ 
terest. It is but natural for men who have 
lived under political bondage, in the aristocra¬ 
cies of the old world, when they came here 
to people a new one, devoted to liberty, to 
instil into the minds of their children, the doc¬ 
trines of true and genuine Democracy, to be 
handed down from generation to generation 
as such. It is because they know that wealth, 
power, and political influence is oftimes the 
bitterest enemy of free government, and hence 
they array themselves under the banner of 
Democracy, in order to guard and preserve 
what they have left of liberty. 

This is not asserting that ignorance is not 
to be found in the ranks of Democracy; nor 
that vice never invades its precincts; but we 
do assert that the principles of Democracy 
teaches precisely the opposite doctrine, viz: 
that intelligence in the masses is the safeguard 
of our institutions. 


70 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


Men are Democrats, because they favor 
religious liberty—freedom in religious faith 
and worship—to the fullest extent. No politi¬ 
cal rights can be taken from any, nor privi- 
liges added, not possessed by all alike. Hence 
in years gone by, when a crusade was made 
against the Catholic religion. Democrats de¬ 
fended them against any persecution, or pro¬ 
scription on that account. It was charged 
against them, that they favored the Catholic 
Church as against others. The charge was 
unjust as it was unnecessary. Should any 
denomination^ whether Catholic, or Protest¬ 
ant, assume to control the affairs of State, by 
means of legislation whether favorable to 
themselves, or derogatory to others, none 
would more readily condemn them than Derrl- 
ocrats, educated in these fundamental princi¬ 
ples of free government. Persecution or pro¬ 
scription for opinion’s sake meets, at all times, 
with the severest condemnation from the 
Democracy, if they remain true to the princi¬ 
ples they profess. 

Men are Democrats, because they believe 
in the freedom of the press. No “sedition 
law” has ever received the sanction of an 


WHT THET ARE DEMOCRATS. 


71 


American Democrat who understood the 
principles he professed. When, therefore, 
during the war, the public press criticised the 
action of the administration, whether in its 
military or civil administration, and their 
presses were sought to be stopped by military 
orders. Democrats denounced such measures, 
because they violated two fundamental prin¬ 
ciples in their creed, and they could not per¬ 
mit these violations to go unchallenged even 
though in time of war, lest by silence they 
gave consent, that these rights should be lost, 
though guaranteed to them, in the constitu¬ 
tion of their country. They believe emphati¬ 
cally in the doctrine of Jefferson, “that error 
of opinion may readily be tolerated, when 
reason is left free to combat it.” Hence it 
was, that because they insisted that their con¬ 
stitutional rights should not be invaded, that 
they were wrongfully charged with sympathy 
with those in rebellion, when in truth and in 
fact, it was their strongest desire to maintain 
free institutions, in war as well as in peace, 
as the surest bulwark of our liberties. 

Men are Democrats, because they believe 
the person should at all times be protected by 


72 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


the great writ of habeas corpus. That it is 
the inalienable right of every person to have 
himself brought before any court, when the 
same is open and unobstructed by insurrec¬ 
tion, or rebellion, to learn the reason of his im¬ 
prisonment. That no man, not in the military 
or naval service of his country, can be law¬ 
fully thrust into prison, without being charged 
with a crime, made so by the law, indicted 
and speedily tried by a jury of his peers. They 
deny the right of any authority to suspend this 
writ of liberty, except 'where rebellion and 
insurrection makes it impossible to hold court, 
unawed by armed forces. Men may have 
committed crimes, or may not have done so. 
When thrust into prison, Democrats believe 
that persons have a right to have their cases 
speedily adjudged. They believe this is a sa¬ 
cred right, guaranteed to every Englishman, 
since the days of Magna Charta^ and secured 
to Americans in every American Constitution; 
and hence they have, at all times and under 
all circumstances, resisted and denounced the 
exercise of arbitrary power, no matter by 
whom attempted, or under what circumstances 
exercised, save within the lines of military oc- 


WHT THET ARB DEMOCRATS. 


73 


cupation. In the advocacy of these principles 
they have been fully sustained by the supreme 
court in every case ever brought before it. 

Men are Democrats, because they believe 
in trials by jury impartially selected. They 
deny the right of military commanders to try, 
by courts martial, civilians not in the military 
service; but insist that all such trials shall be 
by juries of their peers impartially selected and 
upon indictments presented by grand juries. 
In this also they have been sustained by the 
courts, whenever a case has been presented. 
Thus it is, that Democratic principles require 
absolute personal liberty to the citizen, as 
guaranteed by every State Constitution as 
well as of the United States, which is the 
supreme law of the land. ^‘Democracy is 
the true conservator of life, liberty, labor and 
property,” said Hon. Wm. Allen. 

Passing from the doctrines of Washington 
and Jefferson, to those enunciated by Madison, 
we find the same harmony between them all 
existing. They are all impliedly guaranteed, 
if not expressly so, in the spirit of our Consti¬ 
tutions. It is a system that cannot be safely 
administered upon any other plan, than in 


74 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


accordance with these fundamental principles 
of Democracy. Madison, the framer of our 
Constitution, “ the father” of it, as he is called, 
understood well those principles, and sought 
to have them engrafted thereon; and when he 
came to administer the affairs of government 
under it, he faithfully applied them. He but 
repeated substantially what his compeers had 
announced before him. Nothing could be 
more explicit in ennunciating Democratic 
principles than his declaration, that the sup¬ 
port of the Constitution is the cement of the 
Union, as well in its limitations, as in its au¬ 
thorities; and to respect the rights and author¬ 
ities reserved to the States and the people, as 
equally incorporated therein, and essential to 
the success of the general system. Without 
maintaining these, success cannot be secured. 
Every violation brings with it trouble and 
confusion. So through all his compend of 
principles, by which he would guide his official 
actions, we have the utterances of a thoroughly 
educated Democrat, in the principles of his 
party. 

So, also, when we come to the days of 
Jackson, through the whole series of his mes- 


IVI/r THEY ARB DEMOCRATS. 


75 


sages are found these same leading principles 
of the Democratic party. 

Experience had only the more indelibly im¬ 
pressed them upon his mind, and by him upon 
the American people. His caution was, that 
we do not confound the powers reserved to 
the States, with those granted by them. 
Thus it was, that when nullification raised its 
head under his administration, he crushed it 
by the exercise of just powers expressly 
granted.^ without in the least violating any of 
the reserved rights of the States. 

He announced the great advantage of 
economy in public expenditures as resulting 
in purity to its administration—absolutely 
necessary for the permanence of free govern¬ 
ment. Luxury and corruption have ever been 
the forerunners of the downfall of repub¬ 
lics—and why not be vigilant, lest they secure 
a foothold in this? Why not check and eradi¬ 
cate the evil, while freemen have poAver? 

Men are Democrats, because they believe 
this is their duty. If they wander away from 
the practice of these principles, they are for¬ 
getting the most important part of their duty 
to their party and their country. 


76 


WHT ARB rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


Men are Democrats when they do not be¬ 
lieve “a public debt to be a public blessing.” 
Jackson declared its unnecessary duration 
“ incompatible with real independence.” It is 
a species of slavery, which no true Democrat 
desires to see continued a day longer than 
necessary. It creates a bond aristocracy, 
who live upon the revenues extracted from 
the laboring class, hanging like an incubus 
upon the enterprise and business of the coun¬ 
try, which no true lover of his country will 
permit one moment longer than possible. It 
is a false theory and false Democracy which 
teaches that posterity should pay the debts 
we contract. They will have enough to do 
to discharge their own obligations. No peo¬ 
ple are truly free, until they are entirely 
free from debt. To bond communities. States, 
or the United States, unless absolutely neces¬ 
sary for the preservation or security of their 
lives, liberty, or property, is undemocratic, 
and should not be indulged in if possible to 
avoid. 

The collection of revenue, either by internal 
taxes or by tariffs, has always been a bone of 
contention between political parties. 


WHr THET ARE DEMOCRATS. 


77 


The doctrine of the Democratic party has 
ever been, that the safest place for the peo- 
pie’s money was in their pockets, until re¬ 
quired; hence, no more should be collected 
by any means, than just enough to defray 
public expenditures, and pay the public debt. 
High protective tariffs on specific articles has 
never been a favorite mode of raising revenue, 
with that party. President Jackson advised 
that it should be levied in a spirit of equity, 
caution, and compromise, requiring that the 
great interests of agriculture, manufactures, 
and commerce be equally favored. When 
possible to meet required expenditures, low 
tariffs and free trade has been a favorite motto 
of the Democratic party. 

A high protective tariff is a species of class 
legislation, at variance with Democratic prin¬ 
ciples, which rather seeks to protect the great¬ 
est number, granting special privileges to none. 

All Democrats oppose large standing armies, 
believing them dangerous to the liberties of 
the people, unnecessarily expensive, and of no 
general utility, excepting to guard our western 
frontiers from the sudden incursions of In¬ 
dians. They, however, place great reliance 


78 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


upon citizen soldiers in case of necessity, as 
sufficient to protect the government in any 
emergency. It is, perhaps, sufficient to say, 
that these expectations were amply fulfilled 
during the late war, when millions of men, 
from all the avocations of life, were speedily 
transferred from recruits into veterans. 

The principles held by Jackson, that the 
People should elect the President, without the 
interposition of Congress, is in accordance 
with that other Democratic principle an¬ 
nounced by Jefferson—the sacred right of 
election by the People, and an absolute ac¬ 
quiescence in the will of the majority. The 
legal votes cast. Democracy demands, shall 
be counted; and that by no trickery or fraud, 
or technicality, shall the sovereign voter be 
defrauded out of this sacred right of a freeman 
by interested agents. 

Rotation in office has always been a car¬ 
dinal doctrine of Democracy. That no priv¬ 
ileged class born to office should be tolerated, 
but that public place and position should be 
open to all. That frequent changes of public 
office preserves purity in the administration 
of public affairs, and therefore highly beneficial 


WHT THET ARE DEMOCRATS. 


79 


to the general welfare. President Jackson 
said “that corruption would spring up among 
those long in power/’ and therefore he claimed 
appointments should not exceed the period of 
four years; and he favored removals from 
office, as a leading principle which would give 
healthful action to the political system. 

In cases of real doubt, it has ever been a 
a favorite doctrine of the Democratic party, to 
submit such questions to a direct vote of the 
people, a practice which has of later years be¬ 
come nearly general in some States of the 
Union. 

Jackson declared this “to be a submission 
to the source of all power, the most sacred 
of all obligations; and the most wise and 
safe course to pursue.” 

We are Democrats, then, because we be¬ 
lieve in these principles. We believe the just 
application of them has made this country 
what it is, and that a proper observance 6f 
them will continue to bring us peace and 
prosperity in the future. 


CHAPTER X. 

THE DIFFERENCE. 

It may be said, all this may be true; but 
do not all parties profess these principles more 
or less? why then are you a Democrat when 
so many of these principles are held only in 
common with those who act with the oppos¬ 
ing party? 

We answer, there is an essential difference 
between the Democracy, and those who op¬ 
pose that party. This may arise from various 
causes—certainly it does exist. It may arise 
from early training, but doubtless more from 
natural disposition, from an innate, inherent and 
so to speak, constitutional difference which 
inclines the mind to view duty from a different 
standpoint. The opposition assumes superiority 
of intelligence and virtue, which they claim as a 
reason why their peculiar notions should pre¬ 
vail. Were the majority ever so large against 
them, they would look upon these, neverthe¬ 
less, as of a lower order of intelligence; vicious 
80 


THE DIFFERENCE. 


81 


in their purposes, destructive in results; while 
they pay little regard to the principles these 
people profess, or the policy they desire 
adopted. Their opponents have ever assumed 
superior intelligence, and have not refrained 
from expressing a disdain for a party which, 
they say, is largely made up of the laboring 
and ignorant” classes of the country. They 
seek to govern by different methods than do 
the Democrats. With them it has been the 
strength of government relied upon to pre¬ 
serve peace and good order; with the Dem¬ 
ocracy, love and affection has been appealed 
to, as the stronger incentive. The Democracy 
seek to elevate the citizen. The opposing 
idea is, to magnify the government; with the 
Democracy it has been a favorite idea to 
grant the largest possible liberty to the in¬ 
dividual citizen consistant with public order; 
but the opposing idea is that the least liberty 
is safest to a naturally depraved nature. Ex¬ 
pansion, elevation, personal freedom in the 
one. A strong government to subdue human 
nature has been the other. The Democratic 
idea is, ^^do as you please so long as you do 
not trample on the rights of others.” The 
6 


82 


war ARE rou a democrat f 


opposing idea is, ‘^the State so wills and you 
nmst obey.” Compulsion, force, fear, is the 
mainspring of peace with that class; love, 
reverence, respect, is the incentive held out in 
the other, to secure obedience to law. It has 
thus always assumed a moral and intellectual 
superiority, and by virtue of these qualities has 
claimed the right to govern. The Democracy 
have not only denied this authority as well as 
the claim, but denounced the principle as a 
vicious one. This may and doubtless is not, 
the disposition which actuates every man who 
opposes the Democratic party; but there is a 
certain spirit, so to speak, which actuates 
every large mass of men, and this manifests 
itself in the general conduct of the body. 
Every association has its distinct features,— 
oftimes consisting of temperament, and var¬ 
ious other peculiarities found existing in man¬ 
kind. Such as agree more readily, associate 
themselves together. They feel at home in 
each other’s society, and this general agree¬ 
ment gives them a character, which manifests 
its peculiarity by its general conduct, and in¬ 
tercourse with men. It is to this peculiarity 
we allude as existing both in a party composed 


THE DIFFERENCE. 


83 


of Democrats, and those more or less opposed 
to them in these fundamental principles. The 
wealthy class engaged in non-producing pur¬ 
suits; the self assumed aristocracy of the 
country; the would-be riders of their fellow- 
men, instead of sharers with them in the 
benefit of government, are chiefly those who 
look with disdain upon the more humble pre¬ 
tentions of the Democracy. For twenty-five 
years, or more, this spirit in the opposition has 
denounced the Democracy. They have de¬ 
nounced them because they stood by the Con¬ 
stitution guaranteeing the rights of the people 
of the several States to control their domestic 
institutions in their own way. Because of this, 
they of the North were denounced as being 
guilty of supporting and maintaining human 
slavery, and likewise denounced with equal 
vehemence as rebels and traitors to their 
country, when they were only defending the 
most sacred rights of freemen, guaranteed to 
all men in the Constitution. They have for 
more than a quarter of a century been con¬ 
stantly and persistly denouncing Democrats as 
enemies of their country and their race. De¬ 
nunciation's their constant means of political 


84 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT f 


warfare. To generously look at what they 
might deem a mistaken view of what results 
might be expected to follow, is out of the 
question. The individual must necessarily 
have an evil purpose in view, else he would 
not differ from them! They are the intelli¬ 
gent, moral, virtuous, ‘Moyal” class, and those 
who differ from them must necessarily have 
vicious objects in view. There is neither 
charity, generosity, nor tolerance in their com¬ 
position. 

They are unwilling to believe that a person 
can differ from their view, and be honest in 
his opinions; and being vicious in their pur¬ 
poses, must necessarily be repressed by the 
'po'wer of government. Thus they have per¬ 
sistently denounced as enemies of their race. 
Democrats, more because of their faithfulness 
to the doctrines of the fathers of the republic, 
than for any other reason. It has oftimes 
assumed the character of absolute tyranny and 
oppression, instead of that toleration and free¬ 
dom which Democrats at all times are willing 
to accord to their fellows. These are peculiar¬ 
ities which exist aside from those fundamental 
differences of opinion upon questions of na- 


THE DIFFERENCE. 


85 


tional or domestic policy, upon which intelli¬ 
gent men might honestly differ. 

Men are Democrats because they hate and 
despise this spirit of intolerance and oppress¬ 
ion, and can act with no party harmoniously, 
which is characterized by such methods and 
habits of ‘ thought. These differences are 
plainly to be seen in the character of their 
deliverences—laudatory and mandatory, and 
denunciatory of the purposes of those who 
differ from them as to measures designed for 
the welfare of both. 


• CHAPTER XL 

MUST TRIUMPH. 

It may be true that the party has not al¬ 
ways faithfully carried out these principles, as 
declared to be fundamental Democratic doc¬ 
trines. The more is the pity. It is with the 
view of recalling these ancient landmarks of 
the party to the attention of its voters, and 
urging them not only upon the young men just 
coming upon the stage of action, those in the 
discharge of active duties in the party, but the 
old, gray-headed veterans of this cross, which 
they have borne for so many years, in order 
to brush up their faith for a renewed and long 
continued contest for the final supremacy of 
those grand principles which have stood the 
assaults of the enemy, that we have prepared 
these pages. They need not be discouraged; 
their words, and actions, and votes, have not 
been in vain, even though their opponents 
have quite frequently pilfered their principles; 
yet thus have they given law to the land. 

86 


MUST TRIUMPH. 


87 


They have contended for a recall of troops 
from the South, and obtained that. They have 
pleaded for reconciliation and peace, and will 
have that also; and when once more the coun¬ 
try shall have been fully restored; and the little 
New England States will feel their power and 
prestige departing from them, and the grand 
old doctrines of the Democracy—properly un¬ 
derstood state rights—will be their own sal¬ 
vation; and when the agricultural districts of 
the great West will have struck hands with 
those of the South, in whose welfare they are 
so deeply interested, the party which professes 
these national doctrines will gain the ascend¬ 
ancy as if by magic, and all who oppose them 
will be buried in the tomb of the capulets. 

Such we fondly believe must be the man¬ 
ifest destiny of those immortal principles of 
Democracy, which can only die when our coun¬ 
try, under its present form of government, has 
no existence. While free government lives, 
these principles of Democracy cannot die. 


CHAPTER XII. 

OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

There are some objections put before the 
country by an anonymous writer, but publish- 
lished by a respectable publishing house, under 
their endorsement, which should be answered- 
One of the statements made is, that since the 
war the Democratic party occupies an appa¬ 
rent attitude of sullen dissatisfaction with what 
has been accomplished by the war, and evin¬ 
ces a disposition to undo it.” How this can 
be established we are at a loss to know, no 
proof whatever being offered in support of the 
proposition. At the first National Democratic 
Convention after the war, which met in New 
York, in 1868, it was resolved that “we recog¬ 
nize the questions of slavery and secession 
as having been settled for all time to come 
by the war, or the voluntary action of the 
Southern States, in constitutional conven¬ 
tions assembled, and never to be revived or 
reagitated.” 

88 




OBJECTIONS ANSIVARED. 


89 


In 1872 they adopted the following at Bal¬ 
timore: ‘^We pledge ourselves to maintain 
the union of these States, emancipation, and 
enfranchisement, and to oppose the reopening 
of the questions settled by the thirteenth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments of the 
Constitution.” 

In 1876, at St. Louis, they declared: “wo. 
do hereby reaffirm ^ ^ our devotion to 

the Constitution of the United States, 'with its 
affiendments^ universally accepted as a final 
settlement of the controversies that engender¬ 
ed civil war.” 

In 1880, it again reaffirmed these principles, 
and nominated a candidate positively pledging 
himself to support and maintain them; hence, 
no reasonable mind can imagine any reason 
for the assertion that they are dissatisfied 
with this result. 

It is true, they oppose the measure of ex¬ 
ecutive control over federal elections, so-called, 
in the States, but these were not measures 
for which the war was prosecuted to estab¬ 
lish; and to say that more than one-half of the 
American people tell a falsehood before the 
world when they resolve in favor of a certain 


90 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT P 


measures,is such sheer presumption and inso¬ 
lence as to need no further reply. 

Again, that writer says, that for earlier is¬ 
sues it has substituted intimidation, repudia¬ 
tion, irredeemable paper currency, and depre¬ 
ciated silver currency,” but he brings no 
proofs whatever to sustain his mere assertion. 
Not one word or syllable can he find, in any 
national platform of the Democratic party, in 
favor of any of those propositions or even 
hinting in that direction, unless he assumes 
that the remonetizing of the old silver dollar, 
a measure which a large part of the Re¬ 
publican party sustains, is a depreciated cur¬ 
rency.” If he assumes that because here and 
there Greenbackers, so-called, sometimes gave 
individual utterances to sentiments which he 
construes to mean what he says, he should re¬ 
member that the great Democratic party is no 
more responsible for these, than is the Repub¬ 
lican party for the utterances of Republicans 
who allied themselves with that party. The 
Democratic party has ever stood as a national 
party, on the platform of a currency convertible 
into coin at the pleasure of the holder, which 
is their acknowledged and avowed doctrine. 


OByECTIONS ANSWERED. 


91 


Again, that writer, speaking for his party, 
says, ‘‘So long as the States recently in rebel¬ 
lion remain united, presenting a solid front, so 
long are their late adversaries bound in patri¬ 
otic prudence to retain an opposing “ attitude.” 
As if to say that, because the Southern people 
will not join their party organization, the 
country must be constantly threatened with the 
dangers to be apprehended from geograpical 
parties. The problem is, and has been since 
the war, to perfectly reunite the several sec¬ 
tions, and when the results of the war are fully 
assured, what matters it which party controls 
the federal government. 

Is no party to have any right to govern by 
consent of the people, but a party in the 
North, calling itself Republican? If the na¬ 
tional Democratic party furnishes a better 
common ground on which both sections can 
stand, and reunite their efforts in behalf of 
common interests and the general welfare, it 
is one great result of the war not yet fully 
acconiplished until that has been done. The 
war was fought to restore the Union and to 
bring back to their allegiance the people of 
the South, and it is the bounden duty of every 


92 


WHT ARE YOU A DEMOCRAT? 


patriot in the land to aid that party which 
gives the greatest assurance, that under its 
banner this can be done. 

Another charge this writer makes against 
the Democracy is, that ^‘it stood ready, the 
war over, to call back into the old fold the 
former elements.” If the writer means that 
the Democracy were ever ready to welcome 
back into the Union the Southern States, and 
Southern people, it may well plead guilty 
of the charge (?) and glory in it as evidence 
of a true Union sentiment pervading the entire 
party.” It longs for that result. It stands 
like the merciful father of the prodigal son, to 
welcome back with open arms those that had 
gone out from their father’s house; those who 
had eaten the husks of a bitter experience; 
those who have squandered, for a season, their 
father’s rich inheritance. They come back 
with half a million of their youth slain upon 
the battle-fields of their own section. They 
too have slain our own youth, and the blood 
of Americans has been shed by their brothers, 
but now that the war is over, let no one dare 
to cast away an opportunity to establish a 
permanent peace on the basis of a common 



OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 


93 


constitution, and equal rights to all sections, 
with the only cause of sectional animosities 
permanently removed. 

This radical brother, like his prototype in 
the beautiful example given by the Savior of 
the world, is himself standing outside of the 
Union ‘Mn an apparent attitude of sullen dis¬ 
satisfaction” at the prospect of its early ac¬ 
complishment, while the lesson our Savior 
would teach us is, that the father should gladly 
welcome him back. He fell upon the neck 
of his erring son and kissed him. He put the 
ring of adoption upon his finger, and made 
merry. Our Savior tells of his radical brother, 
jealous of the love the father still bore for his 
lost son—no doubt ready to call his father 
disloyal,” and an enemy to his family for 
thus treating his prodigal, long lost and erring 
son—but the lesson is nevertheless taught by 
One who taught as one having authority,” 
and not as one of the self-righteous scribes 
and political pharisees we have in our da}^ 

We must do this—self-interest prompts it. 
We have high taxes to pay, enormous reve¬ 
nues to raise, a large amount of bonded in¬ 
debtedness to liquidate, and we need the fer- 


94 


WHY ARE YOU A DEMOCRATf 


tile fields of the South, and the resources of 
that section of our country to aid us in doing 
it. This is what the nation needs. This is 
what the Democracy wants, and this is an¬ 
other reason why they are Democrats. 

This same writer assumes that alliance is 
sought by the Democrats with the South, in 
order that “the eventual assumption by the 
United States of their (the rebel) debt; the re¬ 
imbursement of their expenditure; the pen¬ 
sioning of their soldiers; compensation for their 
losses incurred in the war; compensation for 
emancipated slaves; the relegation 

of the negro to a condition of political nullity.” 

Does this writer take his partisan friendsj 
and the young men of the country whom he 
especially addresses, for fools, lacking common 
intelligence; or does he want the world to be¬ 
lieve that he is either a fool himself, or else 
the knave he appears to be? The constitu¬ 
tional amendments settle all these questions. 
Section 4, of article XIV of the Constitution 
of the United States declares: 

“ Section 4. The validity of the public 
debt of the United States, authorized by law, 
including debts incurred for the payment of 


OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 


95 


pensions and bounties for services in suppres¬ 
sing insurrection and rebellion shall not be 
questioned. But neither the United States, 
nor any State^ shall assume or pay any debt 
or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection 
or rebellion against the United States, or any 
claim for the loss or e 7 nanci'pation of any 
slave; but all such debts, obligations, and 
.claims shall be illegal and void.” Can any¬ 
thing be more explicit on this subject, even 
were it not guaranteed by the universally con¬ 
ceded aversion prevailing in all minds, to 
paying any more than their just debts, and 
many even refuse to do that? In the first 
place, no man, woman, or child advocates such 
a proposition. It could not be paid, even if a 
majority of Congress, and a President approv¬ 
ing it, passed such a law. Every judge in the 
United States is sworn to be governed by that 
Constitution. It is the supreme law of the 
land, any law of the United or of any other 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

In order to accomplish the purpose this 
writer proclaims, two-thirds of both houses 
of Congress would have to agree to submit a 
constitutional amendment striking that provis- 


96 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT ? 


ion from the Constitution, which would have 
to be ratified by three-fourths of the State leg¬ 
islatures before that could be accomplished. 
All this in the way of its accomplishment, and 
supported by the universal antipathy of man¬ 
kind, the self-interest of parties, and every 
possible obstacle in the way, it is reserved for 
some writer who has the afirontery to charge 
in one page of his book, that Democrats 
desire to repudiate their own public debt, and 
upon another, that they desire to pay that 
which they could not pay if they wanted to, 
nor do they want to, if they could. 

Surely such a writer would have the cool 
assurance to attempt to make the country be¬ 
lieve that Democrats proposed to construct a 
railroad to the moon! But of such arguments 
are the objections to the Democratic party 
and its principles chiefly made up. They pre¬ 
sent no good reason whatever, why men 
should not be Democrats. 


CHAPTER XIIL 

A TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY. 

The question of how to raise revenues with 
which to support the general government, has 
been a question which has long been discussed 
between political parties. There has always 
been a party, in favor of special protection to 
American manufactures, by a specific duty 
upon imported articles, whether the necessi¬ 
ties of the government required much or but 
little revenue. “ Protection for the sake of 
protection” is their fundamental idea; while 
upon the other hand, there has always existed 
a strong element in favor of “free trade,” 
the latter varying from a tariff for revenue 
only, which is far less obnoxious to the other 
class, to that of absolute free trade and di¬ 
rect taxation. The Democracy have always 
favored a tariff for revenue only, getting as 
nearly to absolute free trade as the require¬ 
ments of the federal government would admit. 

The doctrines promulgated by the Dem- 
7 07 


WH2^ ARB 2^0U A DEMOCRAT? 


ocracy, and again re-affirmed by their last 
national convention, is that as already stated, 
‘^a tariff for revenue only.” 

The Democracy believe that, as a consti¬ 
tutional principle, the general government has 
no power to collect more revenue than just 
enough to meet its lawful expenditures—just 
enough to carry out the enumerated powers 
granted to it in the Constitution. 

They regard the collection of any greater 
sum, as a system not only unconstitutional, but 
unjust, unequal, and if persisted in, leading to 
corruption and ultimate ruin of the best inter¬ 
ests of the country. The necessities of the gov¬ 
ernment for large revenues, in order to meet 
the ordinary expenses of the government; and 
in addition to that, the interest upon the pub¬ 
lic debt, and a portion of the debt itself each 
year, has caused the people to submit to a 
higher tariff since the war, than they would 
have done were the circumstances otherwise; 
but whatever these necessities may be. Dem¬ 
ocrats do not, as a party, believe in what is 
called “ a protective tariff;” or in raising any 
more money than is absolutely necessary to 
meet the expenditures of the government. 


A TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLT. 


99 


President Jackson, in his farewell address, 
has set forth the views of the Democracy on 
this subject, perhaps in the most forcible 
manner in which they can be presented, upon 
the various phases which the question may 
assume. When the public debt resultant of 
the war of A. D. 1812, had been almost paid, 
and a surplus was about to accumulate in the 
national treasury, he advised the people, that 
the design to collect an extravagant revenue, 
and to burden the people with taxes beyond 
the economical wants of the government, had 
not been abandoned. The various interests, 
he said, would combine together to impose a 
heavy tariff, and produce an overflowing 
treasury, and these elements were too strong, 
and had too much at stake, to surrender the 
contest; and the history of tariff legislation 
from that day to this, verifies his predictions. 
The great corporations which have grown up, 
and the wealthly individuals engaged m man¬ 
ufacturing establishments, desire a high tariff', 
in order to increase their gains, under the 
plausible argument, that they desire it in order 
to pay their workingmen better wages. De¬ 
signing politicians support it to conciliate their 


100 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


favor, and advocate profuse expenditures for 
the purpose of purchasing influence in other 
quarters. 

When driven from the policy of making 
immense public internal improvements, they 
sheltered themselves under the plea of dividing 
the surplus revenue thus raised among the 
States, as another means to induce Congress 
to continue the policy of protective tarifis. 
The Democracy believe that the only safe 
principle is, to levy a tariff only for purposes 
of revenue; and confine the government rig¬ 
idly within the sphere of its appropriate du¬ 
ties.^ They insist that it has no power to 
raise more revenue, or to impose any tax, ex¬ 
cept for the purposes enumerated; and that if 
its income is found to exceed these wants, it 
must be reduced, and the burdens of the peo¬ 
ple so far lightened. 

The revenue, no matter how raised, un¬ 
less it be by direct taxation upon incomes, 
must be drawn from the pockets of the people 
—from the farmer, the .mechanic, and the 
laboring classes of the country—the consuming 
class. The excess not required cannot be 
returned to them in any possible way—the 


A TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLT. 101 


class who most need it, and who are justly 
entitled to it. It is therefore a species of legal 
robbery—a forced loan(?) never to be repaid; 
not for the purpose of defending the life of the 
nation, but to unduly stimulate the production 
of manufactured articles beyond the necessi¬ 
ties of the hour; that a privileged few may 
reap its benefits, and accumulate more than 
their just share of the wealth of the country. 

They believe that this unnatural stimula¬ 
tion itself, will, if overproduction be the result, 
finally lead to greater embarrassments than if 
left to regulate itself by the ordinary laws of 
supply and demand. Sir Richard Cobden, of 
England, laid down the cardinal principles of 
so called “Free Trade” incorporated in finan¬ 
cial legislation, as follows: “Taxes, when nec¬ 
essary, must be laid for revenue alone; and in 
their remission of those to be remitted, the 
hiterests of the consumers are paramount, and 
alone to be consulted; no taxes should be 
levied in the supposed interests of producers 
or manufacturers—they have no right to enjoy 
it because in the minority.” 

In this country, the agricultural class is 
by far the most numerous, and no' legislation 


102 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


is asked to protect them. All they want is a 
market the world over, to sell their produc¬ 
tions; but the manufacturer wants his pro¬ 
duction protected, so that he can sell at the 
highest prices, by creating an artificial de¬ 
mand, or rather by excluding competition. 
If the principle were sound, it would apply 
with equal force to our inter-State commerce, 
whereas it has been entirely excluded. Hence 
to aid manufactures, both agriculture and 
commerce are injured, which is not in accor¬ 
dance with sound principles of political econ¬ 
omy, because, in a great agricultural country 
like this, the principle announced by Jefierson 
—“the encouragement of agriculture, and of 
commerce as its handmaid ” are conducive 
of the greatest good to the greatest number, 
and of vastly more importance to the country 
at large, than the mere developement of a 
comparatively small class of manufacturing 
interests. Rather should all these great in¬ 
terests be considered as Jackson declared, and 
these be left free and unfettered, that com¬ 
merce may flow into those natural channels 
in which individual enterprise may direct it, 
which is always the safest guide. 


A TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLT. 


103 


These reasons, founded upon the Constitu¬ 
tion, and resulting in the greatest good to the 
greatest number, have induced men to be 
Democrats, and compel them to favor a tariff 
for revenue only. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


THE CHINESE QUESTION. 

The Democrats believe that self-preser¬ 
vation is the first law of nations, and that as 
our revolutionary sages, in the original Con¬ 
stitution, provided against the importation of 
the African race, by agreeing to a compro¬ 
mise, and prohibiting it after a certain date, 
so do Democrats now believe, that the im¬ 
portation of another race, coming into com¬ 
petition with laboring freemen, should also be 
prohibited. It seems to them to be a very 
plain, practical question. The United States 
can protect any of its States, or any portion 
of its people, so far as its power over com¬ 
merce and emigration is concerned. 

If the importation of the Chinese is an 
evil, as it is acknowledge to be, why not ab- 
rograte the treaty, and make a new one? and 
so legislate as that it will soon bring this so- 
called Chinese emigration into a course of 
ultimate extinction. 


104 


THE CHINESE QUESTION. 


105 


The hatred of many people against the so- 
called Irish” and “ Dutch” leads them into 
extremes. They demand that if the Chinese 
must go, so must the Dutch and Irish.” 
These are the persons who run principles into 
the ground. A little bit of practical common 
sense, and sound statesmanship, will easily 
settle the question, relieve our Pacific coast 
of the evil, without in any sense imperilling the 
grand old principle of making the United 
States the asylum of freemen from the op¬ 
pressed nations of the old world, while it will 
not oppress the freemen of the new world, by 
the slaves and serfs imported from the old. 

Where there’s a will there’s a way.” The 
cry for relief” comes from the people with¬ 
out respect to party, who are suffering in con¬ 
sequence of it on that far-off coast, and such a 
policy will and must be adopted as will prac¬ 
tically give them what they want. 


CHAPTER XV. 


SUMPTUARY LAWS. 

The Democracy are opposed to ‘^sumptu¬ 
ary laws,’’ which, we suppose, means that 
class of laws intended to regulate the ex¬ 
penses, the food, raiment, and habits of the 
private citizen. It protects the citizen against 
the invasion of these rights, by his fellow men, 
so long as he does not thereby invade theirs. 
This principle is based upon that which God 
has recognized in creating man a free moral 
agent, to do whatsoever may seem good to him, 
yet holding him accountable for any abuse of 
the exercise of his free moral agency. 

He punishes man for every violation of 
His laws, whether moral or physical, not only 
in His moral government, but the law of 
man’s very being. If, by intemperance in the 
use of anything, he violates the laws governing 
his body, disease and death is the result; so 
also should the laws of man be framed to set 
before him the same incentives to be temper- 
106 


5 UMPTUART LA WS. 


107 


ate ill all things, in which his fellow-man is 
interested. While it gives to the citizen per¬ 
fect liberty, it holds him accountable for vio¬ 
lating any of the rights of his fellow-men. 
He may eat, and drink, and wear, and use 
whatever he chooses, but if thereby he takes 
from them, their families, or from his own 
family, or children, anything which belongs to 
them in common with himself, it may be re¬ 
covered back; and so it may be from any who 
knowingly aids him in doing it. 

Communities are entitled to the peaceful 
enjoyment of their civil rights. Churches, and 
meetings of a public or private nature, are 
protected by the exercise of this same princi¬ 
ple, and so are families. Each and all have 
the right to enjoy their homes, their churches, 
and their assemblies, and when any one, 
through intemperance in food, drink, or con¬ 
duct, or in any manner whatever, interferes 
with the proper and just exercise of those 
rights, and privileges, wherby they are injured, 
the laws should and do take hold upon him, 
and restrain him, by penalties, even to the in¬ 
fliction of imprisonment, from interfering with 
those rights, alike the common heritage of all; 


108 


WHT ARE 2^0 U A DEMOCRAT f 


and compel him to yield obedience to such 
wholesome regulations as are best calculated 
to promote the general welfare. 

While, therefore, a majority cannot restrain 
the citizen in the enjoyment of his personal 
liberties, and physical rights, he is restrained 
through means of legal enactments from in¬ 
juring any one else by the exercise of them. 
Thus it is, that poisons, and the means of tak¬ 
ing life are sold for lawful purposes; and the 
citizen can purchase them for proper uses, and 
when obtained may take his own life there¬ 
with; but cannot be sold to him when it is 
known to the vender that the purchaser intends 
to thus destroy himself, or even attempt to do 
himself an injury. The person may attempt 
or even take his own life, and for neither can 
he be punished, or forfeits collected from his es¬ 
tate; but no person can aid him without be¬ 
coming amenable to the penalties of the law. 

Democracy favors legislation, therefore, to 
protect society in all its rights, while it leaves 
the individual free to exercise his own, so long 
as he does not trample upon the rights of 
others, which are as sacred in the eyes of the 
law as his own are to him. 


SUMPTUART LA fVS. 


109 


It is liberty regulated by law. It is the 
exemplification of free speech, a free press, a 
free table, a free home, a free family, a free 
person, but in the exercise and enjoyment of 
any of those rights he cannot injure the very 
least of one of those associated with him, or 
who are dependent upon him, in the enjoy¬ 
ment of their rights, without incurring the 
penalties prescribed for the protection of all 
alike. Sumptuary laws, therefore, are obnox¬ 
ious to these sound principles, while in no 
sense do the proper exercise of moral princi¬ 
ples come in contact with them. Believing 
in the largest amount of liberty to the citizen, 
consistent with public order, men are Dem¬ 
ocrats because opposed to sumptuary laws. 


CHAPTER XVL 

SECTIONAL PARTIES. 

The Democracy regard sectional parties as 
one of the greatest evils that could arise, 
indeed, has arisen in this country. President 
Jackson said, in his farewell address, ‘‘the 
evil is sufficiently apparent to awaken the 
deepest anxiety in the bosom of every patriot.” 

And although we have had a civil war, in 
consequence of sectional strife; and although 
we have come out of that terrible ordeal with 
a united country^ as far as mere territory is 
concerned, and would seem to be drifting 
back into the haven of rest, under the pro¬ 
tection of our common Constitution, still the 
angry waves of sectional strife are not yet 
allayed, and at every repeated Presidential 
election the strife is seemingly renewed. 

While we do not “see systematic efforts 
made to sow the seeds of discord between the 
sections,” we do see such efforts made to 
keep once-existing discord alive. We see a 
110 


SECTIONAL PAET/ES. 


Ill 


party, which should be national, and magnan¬ 
imous, to be sectional and bigoted, asserting its 
superior loyalty and intelligence and patriot¬ 
ism, as entitling it to rule, to the exclusion of 
all other sections or parties, unless they bow 
to their peculiar notions, as to how legislation 
should be conducted, and by whom the laws 
should be administered. This attitude in the 
North is calculated to create a corresponding 
solidity in the South. 

It prevents them from differing upon 
matters of internal policy, upon questions of 
revenue and tariffs; and it will do so, as long 
as there is a party, sectional in its nature, 
which asserts its right to rule the other section 
by sheer force of power or of numbers. 

Appeals are thus constantly being made in 
the North to sectional prejudice, and to force 
into the controversy matters calculated to stir 
up mutual hatred and strife. The Chief Mag¬ 
istrate, it is urged, should be elected not alone 
from one section of the Union, but that he 
must be one who has shown, not the greatest 
devotion to the Union, and the Constitution— 
the common heritage of all—but the greatest 
loyalty to that one party, always in antagonism 


112 


WHr ARE rou A DEMOCRAT ? 


to the other section, though the occasion for 
strife has long since passed away; as if it 
were desired that he should favor a particular 
part of the country more than he favored the 
whole or every other part, or to administer 
the laws impartially in the interest of all sec¬ 
tions alike. It would not do to say, that all 
those who thus engage in what seems so un¬ 
wise and unprofitable a crusade,are not patri¬ 
ots, and are wanting in public virtue; but while 
they are presumedly honest, and concious of 
the rectitude of their own intentions, they 
seem to forget that their neighbors, whether 
by their side, or far away in other States, who 
have the same interests in good government 
that they have, may be, and doubtless are 
equally so. This matter of mutual reproaches 
and mutual suspicion is the bane of our party 
politics. Men seem not to reflect, that this is 
all the country we have; that our States, our 
farms, our counties, our towns, our homes, lie 
side by side with those of others, however 
differing upon political questions; that we look 
with equal pride to the glory and greatness of 
our common country; that we worship the 
same God, and have a common interest in the 


SECTIONAL PARTIES. 


113 


welfare of our children, to whom this country 
must soon be committed, and that future gen¬ 
erations will find this people so commingling 
together, if a wise policy is pursued, that none 
need say to another, Were your ancestors 
loyal” in i86i ? 

The Union cannot be maintained and the 
laws enforced by the mere coercive powers 
of the general government. A majority in 
all sections must feel that their interests 
prompt them to a cheerful obedience of them. 
Why then permit sectional feelings to warp 
their judgment? There are millions of Dem¬ 
ocrats who would rally around the flag and 
the Constitution the moment any hostile hands 
were laid upon either. They would lay down 
their lives in support of that government the 
moment an attempt were made to inaugurate 
a rival government. It is not in the nature 
of things that the majority of the people of 
this country can be its enemies, because it is 
their government so long as it is administered 
in their interests. Why then so ready to de¬ 
nounce the foremost soldiers of the war as 
enemies in disguise; and by so doing pro¬ 
mote bitterness as well as continally build up 
8 


114 


war ARE rou A democrat? 


sectional parties, upon presumed sectional 
issues, when true patriotism, and love of coun¬ 
try, and every noble impulse of our hearts 
would prompt every lover of his country to al¬ 
lay and assuage this sectional hatred and strife. 

It must cease sometime! It cannot always 
last! Democrats believe great wrong is being 
done, and has been done alike to both sec¬ 
tions, by not long since burying all sectional 
questions; and so believing, they are Demo¬ 
crats because that party has never ceased to 
urge it, ever since the clash of arms ha5 ceased. 


CHAPTER XVII. 

THEN WHY NOT BE A DEMOCRAT? 

Then why not be a Democrat? In view of 
the soundness of their principles, and the re¬ 
sults to be attained, when asked why we are 
Democrats, we might retort. Why not be one? 
What is to hinder men from being Dem¬ 
ocrats? No matter what amount of “intelli¬ 
gence, respectability; and wealth” a man may 
possess, the Constitution of our country gives 
to the poor man, without regard to race or 
color, an equal voice in the affairs of the na¬ 
tion—the right to vote as he pleases. He has 
a constitutional right to be a Democrat, and 
why should he not be one? Every man should 
vote as he conceives the best interests of his 
country demands, without regard to the “ re¬ 
spectability” (?) of his political faith. Truth is 
not always considered “respectable.” Christ 
was crucified by “respectable”Jews, who then 
belonged to the “dominant” party in their 
church — the scribes and pharisees of their 

115 


116 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


day. He ate with publicans and sinners,” 
not at all respectable” in the eyes of his crit¬ 
ics. He was only the carpenter’s son”— 
the son of a mechanic; he cast out devils by 
Beelzebub; he was denounced as a traitor to 
his church, and a rebel against God, and yet 
he was really Lord of all.” His doctrines 
were true, and did prevail. So, too, our inquiry 
should be after truths and we should not be 
frightened from embracing it, by the cry of, 
rebels, traitors, enemies of their country, 
supported by the worst classes of society,” 
and all that kind of talk, addressed to prejudi¬ 
ces, instead of the reason and judgment, of 
men. In view of the fact, as we have seen, 
that the Democracy of this country have es¬ 
tablished a system of political action unsur¬ 
passed in its good effects upon the country, 
we may well ask any man, ^^Why not be a 
Democrat ?” 

To look only to wealth, intelligence, and 
“ respectability,” from which to learn your pol¬ 
itical duty, and govern your interests, is not 
sufficiently safe, nor is it patriotic, in a country 
like ours, to do so. Intelligence, wealth and 
respectability are no crimes. They are noth- 


THEN WHT NOT BE A DEMOCRAT? 117 


ing to be ashamed of. It is a result every 
true man may be ambitious to honorably ob¬ 
tain; and it is no reason why you should not 
be a Democrat. There are hosts of Dem¬ 
ocrats who are intelligent, wealthy, and re¬ 
spectable. There is nothing in their creed 
that need bring the blush of shame to the 
cheeks of any man. The man who pins his 
political faith to respectability and wealth alone 
may live to see his errors when too late. 
The aristocracy of England is wealthy, re¬ 
spectable, and presumedly intelligent, yet it 
rules the English nation; and the people only 
h-ave such power as they have from time to 
time wrested from the ruling class. The 
ruling class of all monarchies, and aristocra¬ 
cies, might well make the same arguments 
those do, that they belong to the intelligent, 
wealthy, respectable” party. But if left alone 
to that class, where will the toiling millions 
be? The Democracy seek to elevate the 
lower classes. Before the war, it had gone to 
the very verge of sound principle, to lay broad 
and deep the foundations of popular suffrage; 
and when four millions of ignorant slaves were 
to be suddenly brought to the ballot box, they 


118 


war ARB rou A democrats 


feared the result; but now that it is so, they 
feel that safety only exists in educating and 
elevating them to be worthy citizens, rather 
than idle, ignorant and vicious ones. Dem¬ 
ocratic principles demand this. 

Democracy seeks to give all classes an 
equal voice in the affairs of government. It 
binds them down to no “property qualifica¬ 
tion,’’ It insists that man “ is a man for a’ 
that.” It is a fact, that if only wealth and so- 
called respectability were permitted to govern 
a country, the lower classes of society would 
soon descend to be mere slaves. It is the 
ballot which elevates the masses. Giving 
them an equal interest in public affairs, excites 
them to acquire information, stimulates educa¬ 
tion among them, and lifts them up to a higher 
plane of existence; and to say that a party is 
unworthy of popular support—the support of 
the young men—because of its sympathy 
with the struggles of the laboring classes, 
because it has attracted the toiling millions 
to its banner, is no reason why they should 
not be Democrats; but rather should it be a 
greater reason why they should, early in life, 
espouse the cause, and unite their fortunes 


THEN WHT NOT BE A DEMOCRAT} 119 


with that of those grand old principles which 
have made America what it is to day—the 
home of happy millions of laboring men who 
have fled from the oppression of the “wealthy, 
respectable, aristocratic” class which governs 
Europe. Instead of being ashamed to espouse 
such a cause, let them be proud to ask “ why 
should I not be a Democrat?” Wh}^ not be 
one of those who seek to give the toiling mil¬ 
lions an equal chance in the battle of life. 

But we deny, that only “wealth, intell¬ 
igence, and respectability” is alone found in 
the ranks of opposers of the Democracy. For 
sixty years before the war, intelligent and re¬ 
spectable men governed this country, and they 
were Democrats. The Democracy added to the 
magnicfient domains of the country. East, along 
the Atlantic seaboard, the even more magnifi¬ 
cent Teritories of the almost boundless West. 

It stretched out its borders even across the 
Rocky Mountains, to the far-off shores of the 
Pacific, and opened to the sea the borders of 
the land to the South, through which flows 
the father of waters, on which is laid broad 
and deep the foundations of mighty States. 
It advocates doctrines which will let each 


120 


IVHr ARB rou A DEMOCRATS 


State take care of its own interests, while it 
also performs its duty to the whole, thus es¬ 
tablishing a family of States, a nation ” such 
as no country on earth can compare with it, 
in the intelligence, and happiness, and freedom 
of the “ lower orders of society ” at which the 
“ lords ” of the land would sneer, because they 
are Democrats. This great party numbered 
among its leaders, a Jefferson, a Madison, 
Monroe, Jackson, Polk, Wright, Marcy, Doug¬ 
las^, and a host of intelligent, noble, patriotic 
statesmen, than which no country, or party, 
can claim superior in the education necessary 
to frame and administer the affairs of the 
most free, and best government on earth. 
Ashamed of being a Democrat? 

“ Just as soon 
Let midnight be ashamed of noon.” 

Why then 7iot be a Democrat? When 
such as those have gone before and blazed 
the way through a forest of difficulties, until 
our country has emerged upon broad plains, 
under the brilliant sunlight of past experience, 
we can now see our way under the blessings 
of providence, as over the plains of the west. 


THEN WHT NOT BE A DEMOCRATf 121 


far as the eye of imagination can reach, and 
beneath it a country blooming and blossoming 
as the rose. 

Then look at the past twenty years, since 
the Democracy have gone out of power, but 
not retired from influencing the affairs of state. 
The darkest spot upon our country’s page, 
have been those twenty years. No other 
twenty years have equaled them in human 
woe, misery, and distress. Out of ikis woe, 
this misery, God brought the countr}’ at last, 
we believe more resplendent with true glory, 
than ever before. 

The dark spot of human slavery was wiped 
from its disc, but it was not the Republican 
party that alone did it. True, their agitation 
of the slavery question, and the corresponding 
fanaticism of the South, plunged the country 
into a civil war, but at its commencement the 
Republican party resolved to amend the Fed¬ 
eral Constitution so as to secure slavery in the 
States where it existed. It was wiped out as 
the result of war, which every patriotic citizen 
would gladly have averted, but an overruling 
providence strangely brought about the result, 
and no one party can lay claim to it alone. 


122 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


The Republican party stood aghast and 
trembling at the threshold of war, when they 
first came into power. They were willing to 
confij'm slavery in the States, as the price of 
peace. The abolishment of slavery was the 
work of a higher source in spite of parties or 
the people. But look at all which history has 
written since then, and where is there any¬ 
thing to boast of, or that would lead young 
men to be proud of it, above all others? 
Surely not the gallantry of its troops alone 
put down the rebellion! There were nearly 
one million five hundred thousand men in the 
North, who supported Douglass in i860, and 
many more hundred thousands, Bell and Ev¬ 
erett, the so-called Union candidates, and only 
one million and half who voted for Abraham 
Lincoln. There were more Democrats and 
Union men in the Union army from the North, 
perforce of circumstances, than from the Re¬ 
publican ranks; and without their aid the war 
could not have been successfully brought to 
a close. It was the patriotic aid of Demo- 
oats who saved the Union^ and without their 
aid, or else the establishment of a military 
dictatorship, it could not have been saved from 


THEN WHT NOT BE A DEMOCRATf 123 


the destruction into which sectional madness 
had forced the country, and the latter itself 
would have destroyed it. But where is there 
anything specially commendable in the civil 
administration of public affairs since the close 
of the war, that marks the career of the op- 
posers of the Democracy as a bright epoch 
in the history of this country.^ Was there 
ever a time of more stupendous frauds com¬ 
mitted upon the government than during those 
years, and by those who had sworn to protect 
and defend it? All this done under the parti¬ 
san cry of “loyalty” to the government. We 
do not charge the Republican masses with 
being participators; rather do we say that we 
know that upon their cheeks mantled the 
blush of shame for the men to whom they 
trusted their honor, when they so shamelessly 
had betrayed their trust. It was deeply hu¬ 
miliating to know that even a Vice-President 
had to be retired to private life in disgrace; 
that fraud and corruption nestled close to the 
presidential chair, filled by a representative of 
that party—yea it crept into his cabinet and 
was expelled therefrom for robbing the gov¬ 
ernment, but they are responsible in so far as 


124 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


they sustain men in it. Tell us, is there any¬ 
thing like it in history; and why should we not 
be Democrats, when leaders on the other side 
have thus betrayed their country and their party, 
and have not even repented of their sins, as the 
rebellious States of the South, who have ac¬ 
cepted every condition imposed upon them. 

But not only these things, but when were 
the principles of English and American liber¬ 
ty more recklessly violated than during the 
past twenty years of our history. When men 
were plunged into dungeons without affidavits 
or warrants, merely at the beck and nod of 
some military satrap—or Secretary of State— 
the same refused trials in courts that were 
open, by a jury of their peers, according to 
the Constitution of their country; but upon 
the contrary, were tried by military court- 
martials organized to convict! Legislative 
halls guarded by armed men, and civil admin¬ 
istrations stricken down, yet all under the 
broad aegis of a free constitution! Why not 
then be a Democrat, when its principles are 
those on which rest the best hopes of the 
Avorld — civil and religious liberty—and the 
emancipation of the masses. 


CHAPTER XVIIL 

NOW IS THE TIME. 

There is no time at which men more 
readily change their political relations, than 
during presidential elections. These represent 
broad issues, of a national character, while 
the contests in the States are not always 
calculated to unite otherwise harmonious polit¬ 
ical elements. The Democratic party has had 
a national creed for more than three-quarters 
of a century. Many of their principles have 
been adopted even by their opponents. The 
question of secession has been settled by war. 
There is now no difference of opinion as to 
that heresy. The question of slavery has 
likewise been settled. These war issues are 
buried. The subject of reconciliation, and the 
best mode to accomplish it, has been a living 
issue ever since Sherman’s and Grant’s terms 
with Johnston and Lee. The complete unifi¬ 
cation of our country North and South, with 
a common sentiment of nationality pervading 
the people, has been the hope and wish of the 

125 


126 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


American Democracy for fifteen years. Their 
method is now about to triumph. The 
methods of war are to be laid aside, and those 
of perfect peace are about to prevail. The 
Constitution is about to be enforced as our 
fathers understood it, when Jackson laid down 
the true doctrine in regard to it. These have 
never been dead issues; many Republicans 
have ever believed in them. Now is the time 
for men to take anew their position on 
national grounds. A new era is about to 
dawn upon us as a nation; therefore let the 
young men of the country come to the front; 
they can soon throw themselves to the head 
of a great party, which has ever taught true 
doctrines. Its flag went down when section¬ 
alism prevailed. It goes up all over the Un¬ 
ion when true national views prevail; its ban¬ 
ner should now be borne by the men who are 
coming upon the stage of action during the 
next quarter of a century; let them make the 
party what they desire it to be—true to the 
Constitution, and true to the Union, and no 
sectional party can drive them from their po¬ 
sition; the whole country is ready for peace 
and good will to all. 


THEN Wlir NOT BE A DEMOCRAT? 127 


Now let men rally to its standard; let the 
methods of the war era be forgotten. Let the 
party which so long held its position, and 
which has come to think that the country be¬ 
longs to them alone, be asked to retire; and 
if they refuse to go, as they did four years 
ago, let them be compelled to vacate. This 
country is for other, and more men, than a 
few hundred thousand party machinists! It 
is well to teach them that it belongs to the 
people; all agree under Hancock the country 
is safe; the man who has been very true to 
the Union and very true to the Constitution— 
the man who shed his blood in the cause; who 
led many a brave Union man in the field will 
ever be true to his comrades, true to the Union, 
true to the Constitution, and will moreover so 
cement the bonds of the Union, as they have 
not been cemented for lo these many years. 

Young men, rally to his standard! Take 
your position by his side, aid him in this work, 
and with a regenerated country, will come a 
reinvigorated party, with you at its head, that 
will make our country even more than our 
fathers ever dreamed it would be. Young 
men to the.front! Be Democrats! Why not? 


CHAPTER XIX. 


SUMMARY. 

They are Democrats therefore, because 
they believe, as they have repeatedly declared 
and reaffirmed in the Cincinnati National 
Platform of recent date, that these principles 
are constitutional doctrines in accordance with 
the teachings and examples of a long line of 
Democratic statesmen and patriots. They 
are Democrats because they are opposed to 
centralization in the general government, and 
to that dangerous spirit of encroachment 
which tends to consolidate all in one, and thus 
to create, whatever the form of government, 
a real despotism. They are opposed to sump¬ 
tuary laws; they are opposed to high protect¬ 
ive tariffs; opposed to sectional parties; oppo¬ 
sed to a union of Church and State; opposed to 
regulating elections in the States by the federal 
authority, no matter under what pretexts, so 
long as the people are willing to hold them 
under their own local. State laws. 

128 


SUMMARY. 


129 


They are Democrats because they believe 
in the education of the massess—the basis of 
an intelligent ballot; they favor the fostering 
and protection, by State action, of common 
schools. They believe in home-rule, the strict 
maintainance of the public faith, state and na¬ 
tional; in honest money, consisting of gold and 
silver, and of paper convertible into coin on 
demand; they believe in a tariff for revenue 
only; in the subordination of the military to 
the civil power; in a genuine and thorough 
reform of the civil service, by prohibiting by 
law the appointment of men to office guilty of 
frauds upon the government or the people, in 
depriving them of the fruits of fair elections; 
they believe in a free ballot, the right preserv¬ 
ative of all rights, and pledge themselves to 
sustain this right at all hazards; they believe 
in free ships, and a living chance for Ameri¬ 
can ships upon the seas; and on land no dis¬ 
crimination in favor of monopolies, corpora¬ 
tions, or transportation lines; they are opposed 
to the importation of Chinese, and favor the 
abrogation of the Burlingame treaty to the 
accomplishment of that end; they believe in 
public money and public credit, for public 
9 


130 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRATf 


purposes solely; in public lands for actual set¬ 
tlers only; it pledges itself as the friend of la¬ 
bor and the laboring man, and to protect him 
alike against the cormorants and the commune. 

These are the utterances of the Democ¬ 
racy in national convention assembled, the only 
body which can speak for the party; and are 
x'easons, we think, sufficient why every patri¬ 
otic citizen should be a Democrat. 


CHAPTER XX. 


APPLICATION. 

Every four years the population of our 
country materially increases, and for the first 
time a free people of fifty millions are about 
to choose a chief magistrate by their suffrages! 
The candidates, and declarations of the prin¬ 
ciples of their respective parties, are before 
the people, and with facilities for discussion, 
and interchange of sentiments through the 
public press never equaled before, we should 
be able, fairly to presume, to obtain an intelli¬ 
gent verdict at the polls. That every citizen 
will vote intelligently is not to be presumed; 
or that even intelligent men will at all be able 
to see precisely alike is not to be expected; 
but in an equal number of voters, circum¬ 
stances being equal, we have a right to pre¬ 
sume the cases will be about evenly balanced, 
and the result will be about the same. The 
persuasive eloquence of purchasing power, 
and actual frauds, are really the only thing to 
be feared. 


131 


132 


WHY ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


How then does the question stand before 
the jury of the country. General Garfield and 
Arthur are the Republican candidates. Their 
public acts are just subjects of criticism, and 
so is the record of their party. The same 
may be said of General Hancock and English, 
and the Democratic party. What then are 
the measures proposed by the respective can¬ 
didates and their parties? This is the ques¬ 
tion. The policies proposed by the respective 
parties materially differ. 

The Republican party is committed to the 
policy of supervising elections by means of 
U. S. Supervisors, Deputy Marshals, and U. 
S. Troops at the polls, if necessary; (?) the 
Democratic party is utterly opposed to this 
policy. They are on the record against it. 
The Republicans for it. Garfield himself 
was once opposed to it. He declared on the 
floor of the House, that it was time to mus¬ 
ter out of service war measures, and time 
to get down to peace principles. His party 
forced him back into its ranks, and he and 
they stand committed in favor of the present 
law. The Democracy stand upon the princi¬ 
ple that each State is fully competent to hold 


APPLICA TION. 


133 


its own elections, and send up the result to 
Congress. The Republicans declare in favor 
of the United States, by its officers “ supervis¬ 
ing” these elections. The Democracy believe 
that a free people is fully competent to guard 
the polls themselves, around which no satel¬ 
lites of executive power have any business 
whatever. The principle once admitted in 
national affairs, will soon be adopted by States, 
and those in power will be able, under the 
color of law, to place around the polls a num¬ 
ber of paid satellites of power, against which 
a free people must ever contend with difficulty. 
The money will be wrung from them by tax¬ 
ation, to pay officers at the polls to influence 
electors against them. The Democracy are 
utterly opposed to this, believing that the State 
authorities are amply competent to preserve 
the peace and protect the ballots of the people, 
without any such interference. Again, the 
Democracy is anxious to bring about a com¬ 
plete conciliation of North and South. The 
bone of contention, for so many years, has 
been disposed of. There are now no slave 
States, or slaves, anywhere, save where capital 
enslaves its subjects. The people of the whol^ 


134 


IVIir ARE rou A DEMOCRAT? 


country, by virtue of positive law, have equal 
rights. Their interests are identical. One 
cannot be injured without the other be made 
to suffer. One cannot prosper without the 
other sharing its blessings; and they believe 
the time has fully come, when this sectional 
strife ought to cease. The Republican admin¬ 
istration have fully recognized this principle, 
but will not advocate it. They have called 
into their cabinet councils, for years, ex-rebels; 
they have placed them into high judicial posi¬ 
tions; have sent several of the chief rebel 
generals to represent the United States in 
foreign lands, and placed them in power at 
home. Which party, then, occupies the stron¬ 
ger ground of the two? The one who pre¬ 
tends fear from ex-rebels, or the one which fully 
recognizes the condition of the country to be 
that of perfect equality of all persons in all 
sections of the country—no matter whether 
they took part in the rebellion or not. The 
end must come sometime^ and the Democrats 
believe it is now. 

For this purpose they have nominated an 
eminent Union General—who sealed his de¬ 
votion in its cause by his blood, when he 


APPLICA TION. 


135 


stood in the front ranks of those who fought 
the rebellion, and was no small factor in the 
army of those who conquered them. The 
North has no right to complain. The South, 
for the sake of showing their devotion, are 
willing to accept him. Will not this do much 
to strengthen the Union, in the hearts of 
Southern people? Will this man be more 
lenient, because he was wounded by their 
hands, than he who never received a scratch 
from them in war, and is now interested in 
building up a Republican party, in the States 
lately in rebellion. Rather will the Union 
General, who wants strength in the North, be 
with his comrades in sympathy, than he who 
must strengthen his party in the South, and 
get it from ex-rebels. The safest and best 
man to elect, is he who stands by our Consti¬ 
tution as it now is; who was willing to give 
his life for the Union; and yet when the war 
was over, was early willing to have the 
methods of war laid aside, and dropped, and 
resort to the good old solid principles of con¬ 
stitutional liberty, as for ages the people have 
demanded. 

There can be no question about this, if 


136 


WHT ARE rOU A DEMOCRAT? 


people look upon it in an unprejudiced way. 
“ Peace and good will to men,” a perfect 
restoration of the Union in spirit as well as in 
truth, with a man conspicuous for his love and 
devotion to the cause, is all that reasonable 
men can ask; and we feel sure the people 
will ask no more. 

Let the old men stand firmly in the faith, 
and the young learn what is required of them 
to be Democrats; and knowing their duty, let 
each discharge it fearlessly. 


PRESIDENTIAL VOTE FROM 1789 TO 1876 


CANDIDATE. 

Party. 

Popular Vote. 

Slectoral 

Vote. 

■{ Geo. Washington. 


Electors cho- 

Unani- 



sen by State 

mous 

OoHN Adams. 

Federal 

Legislature. 

71 

I’t'HOMAs Jefferson 

Dem. 

do do 

69 

^Thomas Jefferson 

Dem. 

Elected by 

73 

<Aaron Burr. 

Dem. 

House of Rep- 

73 

(John Adams. 

Federal 

on 36 ballot. 

65 

iTHOMAS Jefferson 

Dem. 

Electors cho- 

148 

|C. C. Pinckney_ 

Federal 

Legislature. 

28 

i Tames Madison.... 

Dem. 

do do 

122 

)C. C. Pinckney_ 

Federal 


47 

1 James Madison. ... 

Dem. 

do do 

128 

1 E>eWitt Clinton. . 

Federal 


89 

i James Monroe. 

Dem. 

do do 

183 

1'Rufus King. 

Federal 


34 



But one elec- 


James Monroe. 

Dem. 

toral vote in 




opposition. 


['♦John Adams. .. 

Federal 

105,321 

84 

1 Andrew Jackson.. 

Dem. 

155,872 

99 

1 W. H. Crawford.. 

Dem. 

44,282 

41 

[Henry Clay. 

Whig 

46,587 

37 

1 Andrew Jackson.. 

Dem. 

647,231 

178 

1 JOHN Q,. Adams_ 

Federal 

509,097 

83 

r Andrew Jackson. . 

Dem. 

987,502 

219 

1 Henry Clay. 

Whig 

530,189 

49 

John Floyd. 

Whig 


11 

[william Wirt... 

Whig 


7 

(Martin VanBuren 

Dem. 

761,549 

170 

1 Wm. H. Harrison, 

Whig 

736,656 

121 

als. 




(Wm. H. Harrison. 

Whig 

1,275,011 

234 

^Martin VanBuren 

Dem. 

1,135,761 

60 

( James K. Polk. 

Dem. 

1,337,243 

170 

) 'Henry Clay. 

Whig 

1,361,362 

105 

rZACHARY Taylor.. 

Whig 

1,360,099 

163 

<Lewis Cass. 

Dem. 

1,220,554 

127 

(Martin VanBuren 

Dem. 

291,263 


(Franklin Pierce. . 

Dem. 

1,601,474 

254 

/Winfield Scott, 

Whig 

1,542,403 

42 

al. 




(James Buchanan.. 

Dem. 

1,838,169 

174 

1 JOHN C. Fremont. . 

Repub. 

2,215,768 

122 

(Abraham Lincoln 

Repub. 

1,866,352 

180 

/Steph. a. Douglas, 

Dem. 

2,810,501 

123 

et al. 




(Abraham Lincoln 

Repub. 

2.216,067 

213 

IGeo.B. McClellan 

Dem. 

1,808,725 

21 

(Ulrsses S. Grant. . 

Repub. 

3,015,071 

214 

1 Horatio Seymour. 

Dem. 

2,709,613 

80 

(Ulysses S. Grant. 

Repub. 

3,597,070 

300 

1 Horace Greeley.. 

Dem. 

2,834,079 

66 

/Ruth. B. Hayes- 

Repub. 

4,042,067 

185 

<Samuel J. Tilden. . 

Dem. 

4,291,491 

184 

(Peter Cooper . 

G. B. 

80,911 



Year. 


1796 

ISOO 

1804 

1808 

1812 

1816 

1820 

1824 

1828 

1832 

1836 

1^0 

1844 

1848 

1852 

1856 

1860 

1864 

1868 

1872 

1876 


Electoral Vote, 1880 


No 


State. 

Alabama.. 
Arkansas . 
California. 
Colorado .. 
Connecticut 
Deleware .. 
Florida... 
Georgia .. 

Illinois ... 
Indiana... 

Iowa. 

Kansas ... 
Kentucky 
Louisiana . 
Maine. 

Maryland ., 
Massachusetts 13 
Michigan.. . 11 
Minnesota 
Mississippi 
Missouri. . 
Nebraska 3 
Nevada ... i 
N. Hampshire 5 
New Jersey 9 
New York... 35 
N. Carolina .. 10 

Ohio. 22 

Oregon. 3 

Pennsylvania. 29 
Rhode Island 4 
S. Carolina. .. 7 
Tennessee.... 12 

Texas. 8 

Vermont. 5 

Virginia.,..... 11 
West Virginia 5 
Wisconsin.... 10 


10 

6 

6 

3 

6 

3 

4 
11 
21 
15 
11 

5 
12 

8 

7 

8 


5 

8 

ID 


Total. 


369 


♦Elected by House of Representatives 









































































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nP 9 • 


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